feated by the United States. So, for Europe, American policy becomes allimportant. The United States is not expected to share in keeping European peace. But may it be counted upon not to hamper the European nations in keeping peace among themselves? Would it be ready to withhold money and materials from a European state which had accepted a test of aggression and by that test had been convicted as an aggressor? "Benevolent neutrality towards the League" on the part of the United States, the author concludes, would "at last enable the League to prove itself a trustworthy guardian of international peace, without having to rely on armies and navies for its watch" (p. 88).

Mr. Mitrany has given us a clear and luminous discussion of a problem of the first importance. Whether readers accept his premises or agree with his conclusions or not, they will find his study of exceptional interest both from the viewpoint of international politics and of international law.

EDWIN D. DICKINSON.

The Diplomatic Relations of Great Britain and the United States. By R. B. Mowat. New York: Longmans, Green & Co., 1925. pp. xi, 350. Index. $5.50.

The outstanding importance of Anglo-American relations to the cause of world peace at the present time is, in itself, a sufficient justification for another book on this inexhaustible subject. The task has been appropriately undertaken by Professor R. B. Mowat, who, under the exchange system has been chosen as Acting Professor of History in the University of Wisconsin during the current year. It is high praise to say that his study of The Diplomatic Relations of Great Britain and the United States, forms a worthy companion-piece to the late Professor E. A. Dunning's study of the same field.

The viewpoint of both these historians, while eminently national, is distinctly sympathetic in outlook. Both treat even the most controversial moments of the long history of Anglo-American relations as they should be treated-in a tone of friendly understanding. It is, moreover, gratifying to note that the Oxfordian tradition, at least, still holds out against the temptation of rewriting Great Britain's diplomatic history to conform to the new Continental policy regarding the League of Nations. Conveniently ignoring Castlereagh's exact definitions of coöperation and Canning's jubilant phrase "England has resumed her isolation," these attempts, more or less ingenuous, to explain away the reasons for England's isolationist policy in the past have not lightened the task of the historian of AngloAmerican amenities. Professor Mowat is relieved of the necessity of taking a certain critical stand, noticeable in the writings of a recent historical school. This has for its basis a desire to ignore the underlying mutuality of policy arising from the fact that for geographic reasons alone Great Britain and the United States have heretofore been generally considered as equally devoted

to a policy of disassociation from Continental European affairs, so far as circumstance allowed. His treatment of the "hand in hand" policy of the Monroe Doctrine is therefore logical, if eminently orthodox and without departures from the views advanced by Professor Alison Phillips in his famous Oxford lectures.

Professor Mowat recognizes, plausibly enough, that while the Monroe message rejected "the idea of an entangling alliance with Great Britain," it was consistently at one with the implications of British policy when "it warned off the Powers of the Old World from the New." In this connection the author is at pains to avoid the somewhat outworn controversy with respect to the authorship of the famous doctrine. He says:

It was not Monroe alone who did this, nor Adams: they were both impelled by the deep, instinctive feelings of their people. It was the danger to their free institutions, menaced as they thought by the Holy Alliance, by "the principles of European solidarity"-that made the Americans offer a repellent front to Europe and goes far towards explaining their subsequent continuous tendency towards isolation. With respect to Anglo-American coöperation, he pertinently adds:

It may be that the United States has got peace and quiet and prosperity from the decision to remain outside European politics. It is, however, permitted to an historian to regret that Canning's idea was not tried too, if only for a brief experiment, to see how an AngloAmerican entente would work in the world.

Professor Mowat notes the very high standard of character and personality that, almost without exception, has marked the representatives of Great Britain at Washington and of the United States in London, His narrative stresses the personality of the ministers and ambassadors of both countries as forming one of the basic reasons for what, taken as a whole, is a splendid record of coöperative diplomatic achievement. He has much to say concerning the personal relations of John Quincy Adams and Stratford Canning; of Rush and George Canning; of Webster and Ashburton; of Seward and Lord Lyons; of Hay and Pauncefote, etc., to mention but a few of the names which illustrate the long honor roll in this record of mutual effort at peace and understanding. Close beneath the surface of even the most acute diplomatic situations was always to be found a strata, if not of mutual sympathy, at least of mutual respect. It is especially his analysis of this personal element that makes this book a valuable aid, not only to the student of international affairs, but also to the general reader.

Grundprobleme des Voelkerbundes.

Hensel and Co., 1926.

pp. 108.

W. P. CRESSON.

By Hans Wehberg. Berlin-Friedenau: 3.50 Mk.

This is a collection of sixteen essays, all but three of which have been published during the last five years in various European magazines. One of

those unpublished is Dr. Wehberg's essay on "Germany and the League of Nations," which he offered in 1924 in competition for the Filene Peace Prize, and for which he received honorable mention.

The essays proceed in logical order from a consideration of the work of the Hague Conferences to the League of Nations as a community of peace and as a guarantee of security, and on to the League's future tasks, closing with appendices including the League's Covenant, distribution of expense among its members, and a list of outstanding books (all in German) on the Hague Conferences and the League.

The author rightly regards "the work of The Hague" as the foundation of all recent international structures, both in the direction of substituting pacific settlement for war, and in that of reducing and limiting national armaments. The Hague, he believes, suffered a temporary eclipse in the World War, but its spirit is still alive and fruitful. The Court of Arbitration, Commissions of Inquiry and, particularly, the long series of treaties of arbitration, have applied The Hague principles in many important ways. In fact, so numerous were the arbitration treaties, and so much wider in scope than they were before 1914, that they alone justify calling the years since the War, "the Epoch of Peace."

Dr. Wehberg's critique of the League of Nations, its achievements and possibilities, is keen and helpful; but it is chiefly interesting to non-Germans because of its pacific and progressive spirit. If this spirit is largely representative of the New Germany, it gives solid ground for an optimistic outlook on Germany's and the world's future progress and prosperity.

On one point only, but that a fundamentally important one, does Dr. Wehberg reflect the antiquated theory of the militarists. He still believes, with most Europeans, that military force is the ultimate sanction of international obligations; and although he argues bravely for "disarmament," he still clings to the use of national armaments for "defensive" and "enforcement" wars.

WILLIAM I. HULL.

Westlake's Private International Law, 7th Ed. By Norman Bentwich. London: Sweet & Maxwell, Ltd., 1925. pp. xxxix, 471. Index. £1.7.6 net.

It is only three years since Mr. Bentwich, pursuant to a wish expressed by his old teacher, the late Professor Westlake, brought out the sixth edition of this standard work, whose first edition bears the date of 1858. Though still detained by official duties at Jerusalem, where no adequate law library is accessible, he has felt the new edition requisite from the fact that English courts, which particularly engross his attention, have since then rendered nearly one hundred decisions "which are a basis of fresh rules or have amplified the rules formulated by Professor Westlake." Among those thus elucidated are "Jurisdiction over foreign sovereigns" and the "Extent to

which there may be a waiver of exemption by appearance and participation" (p. 272 et seq.).

"The persistent litigation of the Kelantan Government," he says, "has given fresh precision to these rules." Furthermore, the earlier decisions as to the immunity of foreign government vessels from process have been fully sustained and applied, even where the ship had passed from sovereign ownership or employment, where the cause of action arose during such ownership or employment (pp. 268-9). A growing feeling of jurists, however, is recorded in favor of fixing a limit to such complete immunity. The effect of revolutionary legislation on the existence and the property of juridical persons is shown to have been considered, but not yet fully ascertained, in the case of Russian banks and Russian ships. Rates of exchange applicable on foreign judgments and foreign transactions, affected by enormous fluctuations, have been much dealt with, as well as the liability of foreign companies to income tax. As to this last topic Dr. Bentwich says "the subtlety of lawyers is constantly pitted against the subtlety of Revenue Commissioners."

Several decisions of the Privy Council have elaborated novel aspects as to Oriental domicile, and the Treaty of Lausanne has brought to an end over five hundred years of extraterritorial jurisdiction in the Turkish Empire.

Some leading cases have been decided on jurisdiction in divorce and judicial separation, and on the transfer of movables and the situation of shares and debts.

In England, by Act of 1922 the right of inheritance has been extended to foreigners, and the institution of the Free State of Ireland has resulted in remarkable rulings as to British law in the territory of the new government, and many more such seem impending. Dr. Bentwich thinks, since the World War, the main attention in international conventions has been directed to public international law, but that its early application to the development of private international law is indicated and anticipated.

The modifications shown fully warrant a new edition of a classical work like this of Professor Westlake, whose name continues in honor and authority among scholars and judges. Its convenience to jurists, practitioners, and all dealing on the subject is obvious. It may be added that the new volume exceeds the old by but thirty pages, thus averaging but ten pages of growth a year.

CHARLES NOBLE GREGORY.

BOOK NOTES

The Diplomatic Relations of the United States and Brazil. Vol. I. The Portuguese Court at Rio de Janeiro. By Joseph Agan. Paris: Jouve et Cie., 1926. pp. 146.

This little volume is concerned with the relations between Brazil and the United States from the establishment of the Portuguese Court at Rio de

Janeiro in 1808 to the return of John VI to Portugal in 1821. It is based on careful research and is a contribution of value to our diplomatic history. Unfortunately, however, the work is marred by serious defects. It is miserably printed, typographical errors are numerous, and in places the English is bad. In a foreword the author announces his intention of publishing four additional volumes, embracing the period of the Empire and the period of the Republic as well. The undertaking is commendable, but it is to be hoped that in the remaining volumes the defects of the first will be avoided.

J. B. L.

The Protection of Trade-Marks, Patents, Copyrights and Trade-names in China. By Norwood F. Allman. Shanghai: Kelly & Walsh, Ltd., 1924. pp. iii, 207. Index.

This valuable handbook, written by a former American Consul in China, analyzes the conditions of protection of industrial and intellectual property in China. Prior to the Chinese statute of 1923, relating to trade-marks, such protection was diplomatic rather than legal. As to patents and copyrights, protection is still dependent on treaties and understandings of the Powers with China, and on agreements between the various nations themselves, respecting infringements by their own nationals. The latter agreements are of especial interest by reason of the fact that the Chinese seldom manufacture fraudulent imitations of foreign articles, the principal infringers being foreigners using the Chinese markets. The book is invaluable in giving a ready insight into the most important treaties and diplomatic correspondence and in providing a translation of such fragmentary Chinese regulations as may already exist. The author points out the necessity for better protection and makes suggestions to this end.

A. K. K. The United States Senate and the International Court. By Frances Kellor and Antonia Hatvany. New York. Thomas Seltzer, Inc., 1925. pp. xix, 353.

This book represents an earnest and, on the whole, a competent effort to prepare and form public opinion concerning the controversy which culminated in the Senate's recent stirring debates in connection with the adherence of the United States to the Permanent Court of International Justice. Its appearance when this struggle was imminent was apparently timed to furnish students of the question (notably, it is rumored, the "civic study circles" of the Federation of Women's Clubs) with a convenient summary and analysis of the facts underlying this important question. Whether or not the authors' purpose was accomplished is a matter open to doubt. The book, however, remains as a useful monument to their industrious research and a refutation of the charge that women can never be realists. The authors listed eight changes in the protocol of adherence, which they deemed