us one sine qua non, and when we had disposed of 'that, it would be time enough to give us an answer as to another. We then stated that, considering the nature and impor tance of the communication made this day, we wished the British commissioners to reduce their proposals to writing, before we gave them an answer; this they agreed to,' and promised to send us an official note without delay. We need hardly say that the demands of G. Britain will receive from us an unanimous and decided negative. We do not deem it necessary to detain the John Adams for the purpose of transmitting to you the official notes which may pass on the subject and close the negociation. And we have felt it our duty immediately to apprize you, by this hasty, but correct sketch of our last conference, that there is not at present, any hope of peace. We have the honor to be, &c. JOHN Q. ADAMS, H. CLAY, J. A. BAYARD, A. GALLATIN, JONA. RUSSELL. Note of the British commissioners. (Received after the above letter was written.) The undersigned, Plenipotentiares of his Britannic majesty, do themselves the honor of acquainting the Plenipotentiaries of the U. States, that they have communicated to their court the result of the conference which they had the honor of holding with them upon the 9th inst. in which they stated, that they were unprovided with any specific instructions, as to comprehending the Indian nations in a treaty of peace to be made with G. Britain, and as to defining a boundary to the Indian territory. spee The undersigned are instructed to acquaint the Plenipotentiaries of the U. States, that his majesty's government having at the outset of the negociation, with a view to the dy restoration of peace reduced as far as possible the number of points to be discussed, and having professed themselves willing to forego on some important topics any stipulation to the advantage of G. Britam, cannot but feel some surprise that the government of the U. States should not have furnished their Plenipotentiaries with instructions upon those points which could hardly fail to come under discussion. Under the inability of the American Plenipotealiaries, to conclude any article upon the subject of Indian pacifiation and Indian boundary, which shall bind the government of the U. States, his majesty's government conceive that they cannot give a better proof of their sincere desire for the restoration of peace, than by professing their willingness to accept a provisional article upon these heads, in the event of the American Plenipotentiaries considering themselves authorized to accede to the general principles, upon which such an article ought to be founded. With a view to enable the American Plenipotentiaries to decide, how far the conclusion of such an article is within the limit of their general discretion, the undersigned are directed to state, fully and distinctly, the basis upon which alone G. Britain sees any prospect of advantage in the continuance of the negociations at the present time. The undersigned have already had the honor of stating to the American Pienipotentiaries, that in considering the points above referred to, as a sine qua non of any treaty of peace, the view of the British government is the permanent tranquility and security of the Indian nations, and the prevention of those jealousies and irritations, to which the frequent alteration of the Indian limits has heretofore given rise, For this purpose it is indispensably necessary, that the 'Indian nations who have been during the war in alliance with G. Britain, should, at the termination of the war, be included in the pacification. It is equally necessary, that a definite boundary should be assigned to the Indians, and that the contracting parties should guarantee the integrity of their territory, by a mutual stipulation, not to acquire by purchase, or otherwise, any territory within the specified limits. The British government are willing to take, as the basis of an article on this subject, those stipulations of the treaty of Greenville, subject to modifications, which relate to a boundary line. As the undersigned are desirous of stating every point in connection with the subject, which may reasonably influence the decision of the American Plenipotentiaries in the exercise of their discretion, they avail themselves of this opportunity to repeat what they already stated, that G. Britain desires the revision of the frontier between her North American dominions and those of the U. States, not with any view to an acquisition of territory, as such, but for the purpose of securing her possessions, and preventing future disputes.. . The British government, consider the lakes from lake Ontario to lake Superior, both inclusive, to be the natural military frontier of the British possessions in North America. As the weaker power on the North American continent, the least capable of acting offensively, and the most exposed to sudden invasions, G. Britain considers the military occupation of these lakes as necessary to the security of her dominions. A boundary line equally dividing these waters, with a right to each nation to arm, both upon the lakes and upon their shores, is calculated to create a contest for naval ascendancy in peace as well as in war. The power which occupies these lakes should, as a necessary result, have the military occupation of both shores. In furtherance of this object the British government is prepared to propose a boundary. But as this might be misconstructed as an intention to extend their possessions to the southward of the lakes, which is by no means the object they have in view, they are disposed to leave the territorial limits undisturbed, and as incident to them, the free commercial navigation of the lakes, provided that theAmerican government will stipulate not to maintain or construct, any fortifications upon, or within a limited distance of the shores, or maintain or construct any armed vessel upon the lakes in question, or in the rivers which empty themselves into the same. If this can be adjusted, there will then remain for discussion the arrangement of the north western boundary between lake Superior and the Mississippi, the free navigation of that river, and such a vacation of the line of frontier as may secure a direct communication between Quebecand Halifax. The undersigned trust, that the full statement which they have made of the views and objects of the British government in requiring the pacification of the Indian nations, and a permanent limit to their territories, will enable the American Pienipotentiaries to conclude a provisional article upon the basis above stated. Should they feel it necessary to refer to the government of the U. States for further instructions, the undersigned feel it incumbent upon them to acquaint the American Plenipotentiaries, that the government cannot be precluded by any thing that has passed from varying the terms at present proposed, in such a manner, as the state of war, at the time of resuming the conferences, may in their judgment render advisable. The undersigned avail themselves of this occasion to renew to the Plenipotentiaries of the U. States, the assurance of their high consideration. Ghent, August 19, 1814. GAMBIER, H. GOULBURN, The American to the British Commissioners. The undersigned ministers plenipotentiary and extraordinary from the United States of America, have given to the official note which they have had the honor of receiving from his Britannic majesty's Plenipotentiaries the deliberate attention which the importance of its contents required, and have now that of transmitting to them their answer on the several points to which it refers. They would present to the consideration of the British Plenipotentiaries, that lord Castlereagh, in his letter of the 4th of November 1813, to the American Secretary of State, pledges the faith of the British government that they were willing to enter into discussion with the government of America for the conciliatory adjustment of the differences subsisting between the two states, with an earnest desire on their part to bring them to a favorable issue, upon principles of perfect reciprocity, not inconsistent with the established maxims of public law, and the maritime rights of the British empire. This fact alone might suffice to shew, that it ought not to have been expected that the American government, in acceding to this proposition, should have exceeded its terms, and furnished the undersigned with instructions authorising them to treat with the British Plenipotentiaries respecting Indians situated within the boundaries of the U. States. That such expectation was not entertained by the British government might also have been inferred from the explicit assurances which the British Plenipotentiaries gave, on the part of their government, at the first conference which the undersigned had the honor of holding with them, that no events, subsequent to the first proposal for this negociation, had, in any manner, varied either the disposition of the British government, that it might terminate in a peace honorable to both parties, or the terms upon which they would be willing to conclude it. It is well known that the differences which unhappily subsist between G. Britain and the UStates, and which ultimately led to the present war, were wholly of a maritime nature, arising principally from the British Orders in Council, in relation to blockades, and from the impressment of mariners from on board of American vessels. The boundary of the Indian territory had never been a subject of difference between the two countries. Neither the principles of reciprocity, the maxims of public law, nor the maritime rights of the British empire, could require the permanent establishment of such a boundary. The novel pretensions now advanced could no more have been anticipated by the government of the U. States, in forming instructions for this negociation, than they seem to have been contemplated by that of G. Britain in November last, in proposing it. Lord Castlereagh's note makes the termination of the war to depend on a conciliatory adjustment of the dif'ferences then subsisting between the two states, and in no other condition whatever.. Nor could the American government have foreseen that G. Britain in order to obtain peace for the Indians, residing within the dominions of the U. States, whom she had induced to take part with her in the war, would demand that they should be made parties to the treaty between the two nations, or that the boundaries of their lands should be permanently and irrevocably fixed by that treaty. Such a proposition is contrary to the acknowledged principles of public law, and the practice of all civilized nations, particularly of G. Britain and of the U. States. It is not founded on reciprocity. It is unnecessary for the attainment of the object which it professes to have in view. No maxim of public law has hitherto been more universally established among the powers of Europe possessing territories in America, and there is none to which G. Britain has more uniformly and inflexibly adhered, than that |