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WASHINGTON CITY, NOVEMBER 5, 1811.,
Fellow-Citizens of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives.
IN calling you together sooner than a separation from your homes would otherwise have been required, I yielded to considerations drawn from the posture of our foreign affairs; and in fixing the present for the time of your meeting, regard was had to the probability of further developements of the policy of the belligerent powers towards this country, which might the more unite the national councils, in the measures to be pursued.
At the close of the last session of Congress, it was hoped that the successive confirmations of the extinction of the French Decrees, so far as they violated our neutral commerce, would have induced the government of Great-Britain to repeal its Orders in Council; and thereby authorize a removal of the existing obstructions to her commerce with the United States.
Instead of this reasonable step towards satisfaction and friendship between the two nations, the Orders were at a moment when least to have been expected, put into more vigorous execution; and it was communicated through the British Envoy, just arrived, that whilst the revocation of the Edicts of France, as officially made known to the British government, was denied to have taken place; it was an
indispensable condition of the repeal of the British Orders, that commerce should be restored to a footing, that would admit the productions and manufactures of Great-Britain, when owned by neutrals, into markets shut against them by her enemy; the United States being given to understand that, in the mean time, a continuance of their non-importation act would lead to measures of retaliation.
At a later date, it has indeed appeared, that a communication to the British government, of fresh evidence of the repeal of the French Decrees against our neutral trade, was followed by an intimation, that it had been transmitted to the British Plenipotentiary here; in order that it might receive full consideration in the depending discussions. This communication appears not to have been received; but the transmission of it hither, instead of founding on it an actual repeal of the Orders, or assurances that the repeal would ensue, will not permit us to rely on any effective change in the British cabinet. To be ready to meet with cordiality satisfactory proofs of such a change, and to proceed, in the mean time, in adapting our measures to the views which have been disclosed through that minister, will best consult our whole duty.
In the unfriendly spirit of those disclosures, indemnity and redress for other wrongs have continued to be withheld, and our coasts and the mouths of our harbors have again witnessed scenes, not less derogatory to the dearest of our national rights, than vexatious to the regular course of our trade.
Among the occurrences produced by the conduct of British ships of war hovering on our coasts, was an encounter between one of them and the American frigate commanded by Captain Rogers, rendered unavoidable on the part of the latter, by a fire commenced without cause by the former; whose commander is therefore, alone chargeable with the blood unfortunately shed in maintaining the honor. of the American flag. The proceedings of a court of enquiry, requested by Captain Rogers, are communicated; together with the correspondence relating to the occurrence between the Secretary of State, and his Britannic majesty's Envoy. To these are added, the several correspondences which have passed on the subject of the British Orders in Council; and to both the correspondence relating to the
Floridas, in which Congress will be made acquainted with the interposition which the government of Great-Britain has thought proper to make against the proceedings of the United States.
The justice, and fairness which have been evinced on the part of the United States towards France, both before and since the revocation of her Decrees, authorised an expectation that her government would have followed up that measure by all such others as were due to our reasonable. claims as well as dictated by its amicable professions. No proof, however, is yet given of an intention to repair the other wrongs done to the United States: and particularly to restore the great amount of American property seized and condemned under Edicts, which, though not affecting our neutral relations, and therefore, not entering into questions between the United States and other belligerents, were nevertheless founded in such unjust principles, that the reparation ought to have been prompt and ample.
In addition to this, and other demands of strict right, on that nation, the United States have much reason to be dissatisfied with the rigorous and unexpected restrictions, to which their trade with the French dominions has been subjected and which, if not discontinued, will require at least corresponding restrictions on importations from France into the United States.
On all those subjects our Minister Plenipotentiary, lately sent to Paris, has carried with him the necessary instructions; the result of which will be communicated to you, and by ascertaining the ulterior policy of the French government towards the United States, will enable you to adapt to it that of the United States towards France.
Our other foreign relations remain without unfavorable changes. With Russia they are on the best footing of friendship. The ports of Sweden have afforded proofs of friendly dispositions towards our commerce, in the councils of that nation also. And the information from our special Minister to Denmark, shews that the mission had been attended with valuable effects to our citizens, whose property had been so extensively violated and endangered by cruisers under the Danish flag.
Under the ominous indications which commanded attention, it became a duty, to exert the means committed to the Executive Department, in providing for the general security. The works of defence on our maritime frontier have accordingly been prosecuted, with an activity leaving little to be added for the completion of the most important ones; and as particularly suited for co-operation in emergencies, a portion of the Gun-Boats, have, in particular harbors, been ordered into use. The ships of war before in commission, with the addition of a frigate, have been chiefly employed, as a cruizing guard to the rights of our coast. And such a disposition has been made of our land forces, as was thought to promise the services most appropriate and important. In this disposition is included a force, consisting of regulars and militia, embodied in the Indiana Territory, and marched towards our North-Western frontier.-This measure was made requisite by several murders and depredations committed by Indians; but more especially by the menacing preparations and aspect of a combination of them on the Wabash under the influence and direction of a fanatic of the Shawanese tribe. With these exceptions, the Indian tribes retain their peaceable dispositions towards us, and their usual pursuits.
I must now add, that the period is arrived which claims from the Legislative Guardians of the national rights a system of more ample provisions for maintaining them. Notwithstanding the scrupulous justice, the protracted moderation, and the multiplied efforts on the part of the United States, to substitute for the accumulating dangers to the peace of the two countries, all the mutual advantages of re-established friendship and confidence; we have seen that the British Cabinet perseveres not only in withholding a remedy for other wrongs so long and so loudly calling for it; but in the execution brought home to the threshold of our territory, of measures which under existing circumstances, have the character, as well as the effect of war on our lawful commerce.
With this evidence of hostile inflexibility, in trampling on rights which no independent nation can relinquish, Congress will feel the duty of putting the United States into an armor, and an attitude. demanded by the crisis, and corresponding with the national spirit and expectations.
I recommend accordingly, that adequate provision be made for filling the ranks and prolonging the enlistments, of the regular troops: for an auxiliary force, to be engaged for a more limited term; for the acceptance of volunteer corps, whose patriotic ardor may court a participation in urgent services; for detachments, as they may be wanted, of other portions of the militia; and for such a preparation of the great body, as will proportion its usefulness to its intrinsic capacities. Nor can the occasion fail to remind you of the importance of those military Seminaries, which, in every event, will form a valuable and frugal part of our military establishment.
The manufacture of cannon and small arms has proceeded with due success, and the stock and resources of all the necessary munitions are adequate to emergencies. It will not be inexpedient, however, for Congress to authorize an enlargement of them.
Your attention will of course be drawn to such provisions, on the subject of our naval force, as may be required for the services to which it may be best adapted. I submit to Congress the seasonableness also, of an authority to augment the stock of such materials, as are imperishable in their nature, or may not at once be attainable.
In contemplating the scenes which distinguish this momentous epoch, and estimating their claims to our attention, it is impossible to overlook those developing themselves among the great communities which occupy the southern portion of our own hemisphere, and extend into our neighborhood. An enlarged philanthropy, and an enlightened forecast, concur in imposing on the National Councils an obligation to take a deep interest in their destinies to cherish reciprocal sentiments of good will; to regard the progress of events; and not to be unprepared for whatever order of things may be ultimately established.
Under another aspect of our situation, the early attention of Congress will be due to the expediency of further guards against evasions and infractions of our commercial laws. The practice of smuggling, which is odious every where, and particularly criminal in free governments, where the laws being made by all, for the good of all, a fraud is committed on every individual as well as on the state, attains its utmost guilt, when it blends, with a pur