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tervention in every case wherein your character as Minister of a Court, which has no direct interests to support in the Peninsula, would give you the means of rendering acceptable the wishes of which you would be the interpreter, in the same manner as in the negociation in which you judiciously and successfully seconded the efforts of Mr. Lamb.
If Spain fulfils the wishes of his Imperial Majesty, such as we have defined them above, you will declare that the Emperor will always consider it his duty to prevent, in as far as depends upon himself, every unprovoked aggression directed against her, and to guarantee to her all the security to which she has a right to pretend.
If, on the other hand, Spain does not fulfil his
5o. pour exercer une intervention officieuse et conciliatrice dans tous les cas où vôtre qualité de Ministre d'une Cour qui n'a point d'interêts directs à soutenir dans la Peninsule vous donnerait les moyens de faire accueillir les vœux dont vous seriez l'interprête, comme dans la négociation où vous avez judicieusement et heureusement secondé les efforts de Mr. Lamb.
Si l'Espagne remplit les desirs de sa Majesté Impériale tels que nous les avons enoncés plus haut, vous declarerez que l'Empereur se fera toujours un devoir d'empècher autant qu'il est en lui toute agression non provoquée dont elle serait l'objet, et de lui assurer toute la securité à laquelle elle est en droit de prétendre.
wishes; if unhappily she should deviate from this path of safety; it will only remain for you to declare to her that the Emperor finds himself obliged to abandon her cause, to blame loudly her policy, and to deplore for her the ever fatal consequences of it, without being able to prevent them.
Your Excellency is authorized to lay the present despatch before the Spanish Cabinet, if you should deem it advisable to do so.
Receive, &c. &c. &c. (Signed)
Si au contraire l'Espagne ne remplit pas ses desirs, si par malheur elle s'écarte de cette voie de salut, il ne vous restera qu'à lui témoigner que l'Empéreur se voit forcé d'abandonner sa cause, d'improuver hautement sa politique, et d'en déplorer pour elle les suites à jamais funestes sans pouvoir les prévenir.
V. Ex. est autorisée à mettre la présente, si elle le juge utile, sous les yeux du Ministère Espagnol.
OBSERVATIONS ON THE AFFAIRS OF
Of all the Cabinets of Germany, with the exception, perhaps, of that of Berlin, the Cabinet of Stuttgard is the most devoted to Russia; devoted by principle, for Russia is a powerful support against the constitutional regime; devoted by interests, which are important in the eyes of the King, who hopes by Russian assistance to obtain the command of the federal army of Germany; devoted, in fine, by family ties, which have always a certain influence on the position of a kingdom.
Of all the people of Germany, with the exception of those of Hesse and Baden, the inhabitants of Wurtemberg aspire the most ardently to the Western Alliance. First, from principle, for Wurtemberg is a country eminently liberal and enlightened; it is the native country of Schiller, and it has often appeared worthy of having given birth to that eminent man. Secondly, from interest, for a people, in order to become prosperous in com
merce as well as to preserve their independence, requires to be allied with progressive and powerful nations. Contiguous to France, it is, by a community of interests rather than by braving the power of that country, that Wurtemberg may obtain the alliance which is called for by the public opinion of its inhabitants.
The Cabinet of Stuttgard is well aware that its policy is opposed to that of the King's subjects; it therefore seeks to combat the opinion of the country by all the means in its power, and it endeavours, on every occasion, to deceive the public with an ability which has often been successful. Sometimes it has equally deceived foreign Govern
It is in order to unmask this system in all its bearings that we publish some documents of interest, preceded by an historical sketch, which will render them more intelligible.
Alarmed at the liberal movements in Germany, and particularly in Wurtemberg, the Cabinet of Stuttgard had ratified, on the 25th of September, 1819, a constitution which had not been ratified, but which formed a positive compact. The King had signed this compact, in which he declared that
it was the expression of his own conviction, and he had sworn by his royal dignity to maintain it for himself and his successors. (See the subjoined documents, Annexe I.)
This compact, although it may not have been in every respect in harmony with the progress of the age, had at least promised many securities; it had expressly established guarantees against any decision on the part of Frankfort, by insisting on the co-operation of the Diet of Wurtemberg. In its stipulations on the subject of taxes, it seemed to have provided against certain military decrees of the Diet, against a commercial convention with Prussia. This compact offered the most precise guarantees in favour of individual liberty, and especially in favour of the liberty of the press,the origin and end, means and effect, of every other liberty.
Nevertheless, this compact contained an Article (89) which, in the opinion of any reasonable man, can undoubtedly be applicable only to the ordinances made in order to execute the laws, or to a state of war, but which, in the eyes of the Cabinet of Wurtemberg, seems to bear the same construction as that of Article 14 in the French