It is evident that Count Pozzo di Borgo stated that which was not the fact, as is proved as well by Lord Palmerston's figures, as by Count Pozzo di Borgo's own contradictions. Comparing the revenue with the expenditure in 1833, we find an excess of only 6 millions; and Count Pozzo di Borgo himself states, in a few paragraphs afterwards, that the dissensions in the Regency were the cause of the tranquillity of Greece being disturbed, which continued up to the middle of 1834, when the King of Bavaria put an end to these dissensions by removing one member. It was not, he says, on account of want of money "that the troubles in Greece and their consequences arose," for the Treasury was full, viz. up to 1834.

We do not wonder at Lord Palmerston in his reply gliding delicately over this point. But we consider that there is matter here for the House of Commons to investigate, as to why that Regency to whom they had entrusted the forty millions of francs could be remodelled, and its constitution changed, by a power that had nothing to do with the loan whatever; and why Lord Palmerston suffered this change, transferring thereby a considerable portion, if his own figures be correct, of the

first and second instalments of the loan from a body that had been recognized by Parliament, to another body of which that Parliament had no official cognizance. Lord Palmerston, in allowing the Regency to be removed, no matter for what cause, to say nothing more, violated the Act of Parliament, and broke faith with the Legislature.

We conjure an English House of Commons to pause in this grave matter, and to bear in mind that a Minister of the Crown has pledged the King to a course of policy, the responsibility of which hitherto rests entirely with the Executive.

We intreat them to lay aside all vague disquisitions as to whether a republican, a federative, or a monarchical government is best adapted for Greece.

Our long connection with that country enables us to assert positively that the Greeks do not puzzle themselves with questions of theory; they look alone to practice; that they are careless about the means, and care only for the end, viz., good and economical government; and any person who looks to the events of the seven years' war in Germany must be convinced that economy is not incompatible with a monarchical form of government.

We entreat them to look only to the responsibility that they take upon themselves, by lending their sanction in this manner to the present and past infractions of a most solemn treaty.

We are firmly convinced, that from the time of the accession to the Foreign Office of his Majesty's Principal Secretary of State, England, under a liberal administration, has been made the tool of Russia, to promote her own separate and exclusive policy towards Greece; that to this end our navy, our finances, our diplomacy, the whole weight of our moral support, has been applied. We are convinced that English policy towards that unhappy land has been the exclusive encouragement of a Faction planted there by Russia, systematically upheld and supported against the whole of the patriotic primates of Greece.

In our former articles we have shown that every one of the Protocols of the Conference of London bears distinct evidence that this has been the case; and, further, we pledge ourselves to prove,―provided an investigation into these dark deeds takes place, that England has been made the dupe of the most fraudulent and infamous con

spiracy that it has ever entered into the mind of man to conceive.

We assert, then, that Russia has guided England throughout the whole of this eventful and most tragic drama; that, possessed of Supreme Power in Greece, she made England and the Conference of London support her tool, the King of Bavaria, to establish her own designs in Greece, and that, so far from the Convention of May the 7th having been a triumph of England and France, to establish, in concert with Russia, a Constitutional and Independent Monarchy in Greece, Russia, Bavaria, and the Russian Faction which governed Greece with Lord Palmerston's support, were a majority of three against England and France; that England was made, in 1834, through fear of French influence in Greece, to accomplish Russian ends with all the zeal and energy which the British cabinet could display. Those ends being accomplished, the same conspiracy exists, and its present object is, under a pretence of putting an end to an anarchy which is the necessary consequence of our whole policy, to impose upon the best feelings of our nature, and to make England pay for arming Greece against herself.

The gravest responsibility rests with every Member of the British House of Commons. That assembly must remember that the public opinion of this country watches with intense anxiety their decision on a matter, which involves every chance even of the dreaded phantom, War.

But, in so great a cause, we trust that the same Providence which has enabled us hitherto to unmask the implacable hostility of Russia to this country, may yet interpose its shield in favour of the innumerable victims of Russian infamy and British ignorance.