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[Five months have elapsed since the attention of Parliament was drawn to the military occupation of the city and territory of Cracow by foreign troops, in the name of Prussia, Austria, and Russia.

In the reply of His Majesty's Secretary of State to the questions put to him by Sir Stratford Canning on this subject, it appeared that not only had his Majesty's Allies made no communication whatsoever to the British Government of the causes of the occupation of Cracow, but that the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs had no official cognizance of the fact that the occupation had taken place.

The universal sympathy excited in favour of a small but oppressed State, whose freedom and independence had been guaranteed at the Conference of Vienna by the whole of Europe, gave rise, a month afterwards, to a motion on the part of Mr. Patrick Stewart, that a Diplomatic Agent should be forthwith sent to Cracow.

The reply of the Government was a request that the Member for Lancaster would withdraw that part of his Motion, since the object of it was in the course of being accomplished; and, on this pledge of the Government, approved of as it was by the unanimous sanction of the House of Commons, the Motion of Mr. Patrick Stewart was withdrawn.

About that period we heard, from an authentic source, that Count Pozzo di Borgo had informed some of the nobility of this country that the appointment would be wholly useless, since the Emperor was determined that an English agent should not reside at Cracow, and that, indeed, he would not be admitted to present his credentials.

We abstained from quoting the fact at the time, although experience had shown us that the predictions of Russia are generally fulfilled.

France at once intimated her desire to imitate the example of England, which would doubtless have been followed by Spain, Portugal, and Sweden, who were all equally pledged with ourselves to maintain the obligations of the treaty of Vienna.

Our surprise was not very great on finding, as time elapsed, that his Majesty's Government thought it expedient, previous to adopting the step to which this country was pledged, to enter into



negociations on the subject with the very powers whose violation of the independence of Cracow so loudly called for the appointment in question. The answers of those Courts to the overtures of England it is unnecessary for us to characterize, as the nonfulfilment of the pledge of his Majesty's Ministers sufficiently indicates what they were.

Setting aside for the moment the commercial importance attached to the maintenance of all the stipulations regarding Poland and Cracow, we confine ourselves for the moment to a remark on the danger of the policy of England in not acting up to her engagements.

The language of Count Pozzo di Borgo was addressed to the diplomatic body in London, and probably communicated by them to their respective Governments in Europe and America, who are thus enabled to form an impartial opinion on the comparative moral influence of England and Russia.

But, unfortunately, this is not the first instance in which the interference of Russia in the exercise of the royal prerogative in England has been passed over unresented.

In 1833 the Emperor refused to receive at his Court an English ambassador, in whose selection his Imperial Majesty had not been consulted.

On the debate which ensued on the appointment of Lord Londonderry, no single member of the House of Commons rose in his place to defend the Majesty of the Crown from the insult offered to it by the refusal of the Emperor to receive Sir Stratford Canning.

What was the lesson thus taught to the Representatives at St. Petersburgh, of every independent state in the two hemispheres? Might they not address each other in the following terms? How vain must be henceforth every attempt to maintain the interests, the rights, the independence, of our respective countries? If the Emperor of Russia can command the choice even of an ambassador from England, and make independence of character and patriotic principles the certain obstacle to his favour, and a means of ruining, individually, in every Court of Europe, those whose only fault is the maintenance of justice, the very principle on which international law reposes is here overthrown, and the only career henceforth open to diplomacy must be servility to the Autocrat of Europe.]






Cracow, June 2, 1836.

The Undersigned, Representatives of the High Protecting Courts, had the honour to inform the President and the Senate of the free city of Cracow, by their communication of the 14th of April last, what were the points which it appeared indispensable to the Protecting Courts to see properly regulated, before they could allow the town of

La Conference des Residens des Hautes Cours protectrices à S. E. M. le President du Senat et au louable Senat.

Les soussignés Representants des Hautes Cours protectrices ont eu l'honneur d'informer Mr. le President et le Senat de la ville libre de Cracovie par leur office du 14 Avril dernier, quels sont les points, qu'il à semblé indispensable aux Cours Protectrices de voir reglés convenablement, avant de pouvoir faire évacuer en

Cracow to be entirely evacuated by the troops which they have been under the necessity of leaving there. His Excellency the President manifested in his note of the 16th of April, in reply to the Undersigned, his desire to know the bases on which the re-organization of the militia and of the police of Cracow (which made the two principal points of the demands of the Undersigned) ought to be effected.

The Undersigned, having been careful to take on this point the orders of their high Courts, find themselves enabled at present to satisfy the demand of his Excellency, the President, M. de Haller, in transmitting to him in the accompanying annexes the principles which the Courts propose to the adoption of the Senate relative to the re-organi

tièrement la ville de Cracovie par les troupes, qu'elles ont été dans la necessité d'y laisser. S. E. Mr. le President à temoigné dans sa note responsive aux soussignés du 16 Avril le desir de connaître les bases sur lesquelles la réorganisation de la milice et de la police de Cracovie (ce qui formait deux points principaux des demandes des soussignés) dut être effectuée.

Les soussignés, ayant eu soin de prendre à cet égard les ordres de leurs hautes Cours, se trouvent, à l'heure qu'il est, à même de satisfaire à la demande de S. E. Mr. le President de Haller, en lui transmettant dans les annexes les principes que les Cours proposent à l'adoption du Senat relativement à celle de la police, en

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