the present, but that its defeat shall be attended by such overwhelming majority that its pernicious and poisonous influence may be entirely eliminated and removed from American politics.

The achievement of this end is worth immeasurably more than its probable cost. The defeat of this opposition and modern democracy, if attended by reduced Republican majorities in the electoral vote, as compared with 1896, while it will afford present safety, is sure to give encouragement to the opposition for continued agitation and a consequent disturbance of commercial interests. The accomplishment of their permanent defeat, justifies all reasonable demands and requisitions of the national committee, who should request of all organizations representative of American industry, a prompt declaration of their several interests in relation to this vital question, and the most liberal devotion of their influence in the attainment of this object of incomparable value to the future progress of our American civilization.

IMPERIALISM.

There are other questions presented by our opponents upon which they base their demand for the people's support. Second only to silver is the charge of Imperialism, which seems to them as possessing the charm of a bewildering dream. Its hypnotic influence is deemed by them a factor sufficient to compel allegiance to fantastic dogmas. Can you imagine a more vain and foolish illusion? It suggests the legend, "Whom the gods. would destroy they first make mad."

This modern democracy composed of populism, anti-imperialism and socialism is a wonderful production. It is a political phenomenon such as not hitherto known in American political organization. The original party which we have known in former times, whose policies, while we have combatted them as fraught with great injury and disaster to the progress of our industrial development, were yet such as compelled our respect for the sincerity of its leadership,—is but a remembrance of the past. It is, however, a great misfortune that its political robes are avail

able for the shielding of forces which, however honest and sincere their purpose, must, if successful, result in the overthrow of national honor and the rending asunder of the ties of our American institutions. Their appeal to popular favor by continued misrepresentation and persistent reference to the policy of the fathers in their founding of our government and its institutions, is to be regretted and demands the employment of every honorable means necessary to a proper disclosure of their revolutionary purpose.

UNFORTUNATE ERROR.

It is a recognized misfortune that a few Americans, who have in the past enjoyed the confidence of our people, should have lapsed into the grievous error and delusion of so-called antiimperialism. I do not doubt their sincerity, but I believe they have committed the greatest error of their lives. Their influence, however, has been a potent factor of disaster and misfortune. Their association with and promulgation of this doctrine gives to it, in the estimation of many, a serious aspect. The tri-party organization and its leadership have availed of this condition and thrust it before the people as a vital issue, appealing for their support, on the ground of its opposition to the cardinal principles of our government as declared by the forefathers and founders of our liberty.

The misfortune of this proposition lies in its possibility of misconstruction and consequent deception. Its advocacy will have cost the lives of thousands of American soldiers and the needless expenditure of more than a hundred millions of dollars before the questions due to this agitation shall be settled. Its promoters are, many of them, sincere and conscientious in their views, but the time is sure to arrive when they will of necessity realize their error and grave responsibility.

CHEERFUL PROSPECTS.

The American people are a unit in the respect and honors accorded to the memory of the patriots of the Revolution. They

have a profound respect for their intelligence and acknowledge the wisdom which they exhibited during the crucial period in the world's history, yet they reverently give all due credit to the God of our fathers whose influence they fain would believe directed their great achievement.

These conditions are applicable to all nations, and to all people and periods of time. The responsibilities of the present are not less than in former times, and the same God of our fathers is equally manifest in his influence upon the destiny of this American people. The evidence of this is to be found in the record of the Hispano-American war. The issues thrust upon this nation through the action of Spain and the treachery of its subjects, were finally accepted as a just cause for a declaration of war by the Congress of the United States. The conduct and management by the President and his advisers, and the marvelous achievements of the army and navy are the records of events which find no parallel, an epoch in American history long to be remembered. Its influence will reach far into the future, as a guide and beacon light to the generations who follow. The results embody conditions which are now crystallized into the very fibre and life of this nation. The American flag now floats over territory which is American. Its acquisition was a legitimate result of the war and could not, without sacrifice of national honor, be averted. No human power can ever disturb or sacrifice a single thread in this fabric of national integrity.

The results of the war in the liberation of Cuba have established before the world the very highest ideal of honorable and unselfish dealing on the part of the United States. This, coupled with the acquisition of Porto Rico and the Philippine Islands, bears the impress of the influence, inspiration and direction of a Divine Providence -a condition which all Americans will do well to respect and accept.

The time is near at hand when the strife and conflict of present political issues will be removed. This question will be settled, and the results are sure to be recognized as of incom

parably greater value than is now possible to appreciate. The Philippine possessions are destined to become an important factor to the commercial interests of the United States, apart from the great natural resources they contain. This acquisition establishes a portal or entree into the trade of the Orient. Eight hundred millions of people are rapidly coming within the influence of western civilization. Its trade, even now of great interest, is destined to rapidly extend and will become of almost incomparable value.

American interests demand the most careful attention in their relation to this market. The rapidly increasing product of American labor must look for relief. It is the duty of the government of the United States to safeguard this interest with the most zealous care.

We have a population of nearly eighty millions of people. Young men who cast their first ballot in this national election are destined to witness during their lives a population of probably two hundred and twenty millions in the middle of the twentieth century. Can you conceive it as possible that Americans will be content to longer remain inactive, and take no share or part in the world's progress? Such propositions, or the charges of imperialism and its attendant insinuations, if honest, are but the delusions of a foolish dream. Its effects will pass away with the defeat of its promoters, and, buried in the oblivion of the past, will soon be forgotten as other errors which have gone before.

REPUBLICAN POLICY.

Republicanism, absolute freedom and equal rights to all men, the conservation of national honor, the protection of American labor and the products of domestic industry, are synonymous terms. The founding and subsequent growth of the important textile industries represented by this Association, as also of the iron, steel, coal, and the infinite variety in miscellaneous vocations and departments in useful work, wherein the millions of of our people are employed, while they are the product of

American genius, their achievement has been attained through the agency of a protective tariff.

Coincident with this marvelous growth and development of the mechanic and useful arts, we witness the equally marvelous production of our agricultural pursuits, and nearly one-half of the world's railroad mileage engaged in the distribution of American industrial products. The evidence of American civilization and its incomparable superiority over all other nations and peoples upon the earth, as manifest in the comforts, pleasures, and even luxuries possible to every American of frugal habits, is sufficient to arrest attention, and compels the admiration of all nations and peoples who have witnessed its operations. Can any honest American citizen of ordinary intelligence question the truth of this proposition, or that we are today in the actual possession of the material conditions of an unparall eled period of prosperity? Its operations, however, are momentarily checked and held in abeyance through the fear of a possible disaster.

APPEALS TO REASON.

American citizens of all classes and representatives of all vocations, I implore you to pause for a brief moment and give heed to the conditions which have affected you in your own business occupations! What have you observed in the experience of others? How much of sorrow and misfortune can you recall during the period from 1893-1897? Are not the remembrance and records of that time an unpleasant recollection? Are you willing to risk a change of national administration and part with the possessions you now enjoy? It seems as if there could be but one answer to queries such as these.

The questions of vital interest at the present time are: Will the spirit of American enterprise and its productive labor permit a disturbance of existing conditions and present policy in the acquisition of foreign markets, wherever they may be found, or allow the doors to the trade of China to be closed against them? If these questions could be quietly presented to every

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