keepers of the Capitol ought to be regulated by law, and that I should state in a subsequent communication the cases in which the Executive had acted on that subject, on what motive, and by what authority, and I have now the honor to comply with that engagement. In giving this information I am unavoidably led back to a period far anterior to the commencement of my services here, and, in many cases, to that of most of the present members of Council. I shall, however, endeavor to state the facts relative to the several cases correctly, and refer to the acts and resolutions which are applicable to each."

The Governor then clearly and briefly gives the custom of the State Executive as to all the clerks connected with the Executive office, the public buildings, etc., and the laws, sometimes vague and general, and the usage for ten or fifteen years back, and then adds: "I have thus stated the cases in which the Executive has had any agency, in fixing the salaries of the public officers referred to, on which I have only to remark, that in case it be admitted they had sufficient authority by law for so doing, yet, as it is considered much more consistent with republican principles, so it is earnestly desired by this department that the same be regulated in future by law."

After referring to some other matters in the public expenses, and explaining his singular plan of constructing an arsenal on the roof of the Capitol, he disposes of the matter about the 4th of July celebration as follows:

"There are two other items in the public expenditures on which it may be proper to make a single remark. The first of these is the cost of the powder which was used on the anniversary of our independence, which amounted to thirty-three dollars and seventy-five cents; the second the expense attending the public joy which was manifested on the occasion of the late change in the executive department of the United States, amounting to twenty-five dollars and forty-eight cents; making, together,

the sum of fifty-nine dollars and twenty-three cents. It is believed that it is the practice of all governments to dedicate certain days to public festivity. They give relaxation from labor, promote friendly intercourse among the people, and harmonize the society. In the European monarchies it is the practice of the people to celebrate the birthday of their King. Thus they degrade themselves by an unbecoming personal idolatry. With us it is the practice to celebrate the birthday of principle. It is believed that this government has often heretofore taken the lead in that mode in the public rejoicing, as well by sanction of the Legislature as of the Executive. The charge attending it has been considered as a contingent expense of the government, and as such allowed.

The Executive was not unmindful of its duty on the great crisis, whose happy result produced the illumination of the Capitol; nor was it, as it presumes, inattentive to the important object of economy in the arrangements which it adopted at that interesting epoch. In uniting with the general sentiment, and giving its sanction to the public joy on that occasion, they looked not to the individuals who had received from their country a well-earned promotion. They rejoiced in the recurrence of principles which they considered as fully manifested by that event, principles which they revere.

"It is, however, much to be wished that in all cases the appropriations be made with the utmost strictness. Where a particular service is enjoined, and the means of executing it are not explicitly given, the Executive is reduced to the painful dilemma. of taking on itself unsought responsibility, or arresting the measure until the next meeting of the Legislature. While I have the honor to serve in this department, I should never hesitate to execute a law of my country which sought an obvious public good, while the means of executing it were attainable, although I took the responsibility and exposed myself to the hazard of censure. Under our government, and with our people, the dread of undeserved reproach has not become a motive of action, and I trust never will. Still it is earnestly to be wished that in all cases, the objects to be obtained, or service to be performed be accurately defined, and that the sum destined to the end, be specially appropriated.

"I have the honor to be, with great respect and esteem, your most obedient, humble servant, JAMES MONROE."

In view of all the facts in the case, the Legislature passed the following resolutions :

"Resolved, therefore, That from a fair and accurate investigation of those expenditures of public moneys by the Executive, this Assembly are of the opinion that the said expenditures were made in obedience to the laws and conformably to precedents; and that they express their approbation of the conduct of the Executive relative to the same.

"Resolved, That the General Assembly entertains a high sense of the distinguished ability, attention, and integrity with which James Monroe, Esquire, Governor of Virginia, has heretofore discharged the duty of his office."

From the time of Mr. Monroe's introduction to public life till the close of his long career, his accounts, expenditures, and debts seemed to burden him, and his methods of public outlay did not always meet with approval. Although some process of vindication was usually called for in these cases, his integrity was never affected, and his wisdom and generosity mainly sustained.

CHAPTER VIII.

PURCHASE OF LOUISIANA-TREATY WITH FRANCE-SPAIN AND THE UNITED STATES-AMERICAN DIPLOMACY.

N the mean time a change had taken place in the management of national affairs, but under the new Administration the foreign relations of the country had not been improved. The people of the West, to a considerable extent, favored war against France or Spain, or both of these powers, which President Jefferson, following in that respect the course of his predecessors, was determined to avert, if possible. To this end, he decided to send an agent with extraordinary powers to France to co-operate with Robert R. Livingston, then resident minister at Paris.

On the 11th of January, 1803, Mr. Monroe, then retiring from the office of governor of his State, was appointed on this new and special mission. Charles Pinckney, of South Carolina, was then minister to Spain, and the duties of the new appointment were to extend to the efforts of Mr. Pinckney in hastening on some satisfactory arrangement with Spain about transferring her Louisiana territory to France. Mr. Monroe had been expecting this appointment, and at once prepared to sail for Europe.

Mr. Jefferson's primary object in sending an additional minister to France was to effect the purchase. of Louisiana. But some time before Mr. Monroe's

arrival, Mr. Livingston had opened this subject and attempted to show the French authorities wherein it would be to the interests of both nations for that territory to belong to the United States. Although Mr. Livingston's proposition for the purchase of Louisiana did not, at the moment, receive the necessary response, it struck the right cord, and the arrival of Mr. Monroe in Europe, furnished the French leaders an opportunity to bring up the subject. Mr. Livingston was notified that his proposition had been favorably received, and terms of sale, based upon his proposal, were presented by Napoleon. But Mr. Livingston preferred to await the arrival in Paris of Mr. Monroe, who was designed to share the responsibility, if not receive the honor, of this vast transaction. Then, too, the sum demanded for Louisiana was greater than Mr. Livingston had power to promise. Mr. Monroe reached Paris in April, and after learning the state of affairs, the two ministers decided to pay Bonaparte the fifteen millions asked for the territory, after effecting an abatement of three or four millions of dollars in favor of claims of citizens of the United States against France. On the last day of April, 1803, the negotiations were completed, and on the 2d of May the American ministers signed the first copy of the treaty for the purchase of Louisiana, and in a few months the treaty was ratified by the United States.

This was the great achievement of Mr. Jefferson's Administration. The magnificent acquisition doubled the territory of the Union, and forever did away with many sources of annoyance on the part of foreign and conflicting authorities. It also removed from the mind of Mr. Jefferson one of his constant dreads, that is,