name one instance. I have, once upon a time, been denounced as a Federalist. You will smile when I name the cause. When your country put up your name in opposition to Mr. M. I was one of those who gave you the preference, and for reasons that, in the event of war, which was then probable, you would steer the vessel of State with more energy, etc., etc. That Mr. M. was one of the best of men, and a great civilian, I always thought; but I always believed that the mind of a philosopher could not dwell on blood and carnage with any composure; of course, that he was not well fitted for a stormy sea. I was immediately branded with the epithet Federalist, and you also. But I trust, when compared with the good adage of the tree being best known by its fruit, it was unjustly applied to either.

"To conclude, my dear sir. My whole letter was intended to put you on your guard against American Semproniuses, that you might exercise your own judgment in the choice of your own ministry, by which you would glide smoothly through your own administration with honor to yourself and benefit to your country. This was my motive, this the first wish of my heart, to see you when I am in retirement, endeavoring to nurse a broken and debilitated constitution, administering the government with. the full approbation of all good men, pursuing an undeviating course, alone dictated by your own independent, matured judgment.

"Present Mrs. J. and myself respectfully to your lady, and accept for yourself our best wishes, and believe me to be your most obedient servant. ANDREW JACKSON.

"The HON. JAMES MONROE."

"WASHINGTON, March 1, 1817.

"DEAR SIR,-I wrote you a short letter lately by General Bernard, and I intended to have written you another, but had not time; indeed, so constantly have I been engaged in highly important business that I have not had a moment for my friends.

"In the course of last summer the President offered the Department of War to Mr. Clay, who then declined it. Since it was known that the suffrages of my fellow-citizens had decided in my favor, I renewed to him the offer, which he has again declined. My mind was immediately fixed on you, though I doubt whether I ought to wish to draw you from the command of the army to the South, where, in case of any emergency no one could supply your

place. At this moment our friend, Mr. Campbell, called and informed me that you wished me not to nominate you. In this state, I have resolved to nominate though it is uncertain whether he will serve. His experience and long and meritorious services give him a claim over younger men in that State. "I shall take a person for the Department of State from the eastward; and Mr. Adams's claims, by long service in our diplomatic concerns, appearing to entitle him to the preference, supported by his acknowledged abilities and integrity, his nomination will go to the Senate. Mr. Crawford, it is expected, will remain in the Treasury. After all that has been said, I have thought that I should put the administration more on national grounds by taking the Secretary of State from the eastward than from this quarter, or the South or West. By this arrangement there can be no cause to suspect unfair combination for improper purposes. Each member will stand on his own merit, and the people respect us all according to our conduct. To each I will act impartially, and of each expect the performance of his duty. While I am here, I shall make the administration, first, for the country and its cause; secondly, to give effect to the government of the people, through me, for the term of my appointment, not for the aggrandizement of any one.

"With great respect and sincere regard yours,

"JAMES MONROE."

"NASHVILLE, March 18, 1818.

"DEAR SIR,-I had the pleasure this day of receiving your letter of the 1st instant. That by General Bernard I have not received. I learn by this day's mail that he has reached Knoxville, and will be on in a few days.

"My friend Judge Campbell was instructed and fully authorized to make the communication to you that he did, and, I hope, gave you fully my reasons for my determination and wishes on that subject.

"I have no hesitation in saying that you have made the best selection to fill the Department of State that could be made. Mr. Adams, in the hour of difficulty, will be an able helpmate, and I am convinced his appointment will afford general satisfaction.

"No person stands higher in my estimation than

He is a well tried patriot, and if he accepts will, with a virtuous zeal, discharge the duties of the office as far as his abilities will

enable him. I can not disguise to you my opinion on this occasion; my anxious solicitude for your public and private welfare requires of me candor on all occasions, and I am compelled to say to you that the acquirements of this worthy man are not competent to the discharge of the multiplied duties of this department. I therefore hope he may not accept the appointment. I am fearful, if he does, he will not add much splendor to his present well-earned standing as a public character. Should he accept, rest assured, as long as I remain in the army, it will afford me great pleasure in obeying your orders through him, and rendering his situation and duty easy and pleasant as far as circumstances will place it in my power.

"I am aware of the difficulties that surround you in the selection of your Cabinet. But the plan you have adopted of making all considerations yield to the general weal, will bring you to retirement with the salutations and applause of all the virtuous, wise, and good; and, should you be properly seconded by the Congress of the United States, you will be enabled to place the Union in a state of security and prosperity that can not be shaken by the convulsions of Europe. To this end you can calculate with confidence on my feeble exertions, so long as my constitution may permit me to be useful. I have looked forward to that happy period when, under your guidance, our government would be in the full tide of successful experiment,' when I would retire from public life, and endeavor to regain a much enfeebled constitution. Should you be properly seconded in your views, this period will arrive as soon as the measures you adopt for the defense of the frontier are carried into effect, by completing those fortifications that have been and may be selected for its defense, by erecting foundries and armories, and organizing and classing the militia. Then we will have peace, for then we will be prepared for war. Every man having a gun in his hand, all Europe combined can not hurt us. Then all the world will be anxious to be at peace with us, because all will see we wish peace with all, but are prepared for defense against those who may attempt to infringe our national rights.

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'Accept assurances of my best wishes, and believe me to be, respectfully, your obedient servant,

"ANDREW JACKSON.

"HON. JAMES MONROE, President of the United States."

CHAPTER XII.

MR. MONROE'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS-TOUR FOR ERADICATING FEDERALISTS THE PRESIDENT BECOMES AN LL. D.

OME writer has given the following account of the

SOM

important public office :

"On the 4th of March, 1817, the President elect, James Monroe, accompanied by the Vice-President elect, Daniel D. Tompkins, left the residence of the former, attended by a large concourse of citizens on horseback, and marshaled by the gentlemen appointed to that duty, and proceeded to Congress Hall, in Washington City, where the usual ceremonies of inauguration were performed. The ex-President, Mr. Madison, and the judges of the supreme court, were present on the occasion. All entered the chamber of the Senate, which body was then in session, and the Vice-President took the chair, the oath of office being administered to him, when he delivered a short address.

'This ceremony being ended, the Senate adjourned, and the President and Vice-President, the judges of the supreme court, and the senators present, attended the President to the elevated portico temporarily erected for the occasion, where, in the presence of an immense concourse of citizens and strangers, including the government officers and foreign ministers, he delivered his inaugural address. Having concluded his address, the oath of office was administered to the President by Chief-Justice Marshall."

The splendid pageant of the day was ended by a ball in the night at Davis's Hotel, attended by Mr. Monroe, Mr. Madison, the heads of departments, foreign ministers, etc.; and this was thought to be a very

proper and propitious beginning for the new Administration. The following is Mr. Monroe's first

INAUGURAL ADDRESS.

I should be destitute of feeling if I was not deeply affected by the strong proof which my fellow-citizens have given me of their confidence, in calling me to the high office whose functions I am about to assume. As the expression of their good opinion of my conduct in the public service, I derive from it a gratification which those who are conscious of having done all that they could to merit it can alone feel. My sensibility is increased by a just estimate of the importance of the trust, and of the nature and extent of its duties, with the proper discharge of which the highest interests of a great and free people are intimately connected. Conscious of my own deficiency, I can not enter on these duties without great anxiety for the result. From a just responsibility I will never shrink; calculating with confidence, that in my best efforts to promote the public welfare, my motives will always be duly appreciated, and my conduct be viewed with that candor and indulgence which I have experienced in other stations.

In commencing the duties of the chief executive office, it has been the practice of the distinguished men who have gone before me to explain the principles which would govern them in their respective administrations. In following their venerated example, my attention is naturally drawn to the great causes which have contributed in a principal degree to produce the present happy condition of the United States. They will best explain the nature of our duties, and shed much light on the policy which ought to be pursued in future.

From the commencement of our Revolution to the present day, almost forty years have elapsed, and from the establishment of this Constitution twenty-eight. Through this whole term, the government has been what may emphatically be called, self-government; and what has been the effect? To whatever object we turn our attention, whether it relates to our foreign or domestic concerns, we find abundant cause to felicitate ourselves in the excellence of our institutions. During a period fraught with difficulties, and marked by very extraordinary events, the United States have flourished beyond example. Their citizens individually have been happy, and the nation prosperous.