and Middle States to break the Confederation, if they did not succeed in carrying their views in the changed condition of affairs which was generally seen to be a necessity, and wrote freely to Mr. Madison about it.

"I fear," he said, "some of those in Pennsylvania will have a contrary affection, but it must be removed if possible. A knowledge that she was on our side would blow this whole intrigue into the air. To bring this about, therefore, is an important object to the Southern interest. If a dismemberment takes place, that State must not be added to the Eastern scale. It were as well to use force to prevent it as to defend ourselves afterwards. I consider the convention of Annapolis as a most important era in our affairs The eastern men, be assured, mean it as leading further than the object originally comprehended."

In the controversy between New York and Massachusetts concerning their boundary lines, according to the provisions of the Articles of Confederation, commissioners were appointed and a court organized under the direction of the Congress, to settle the dispute. Mr. Monroe was designated as one of the judges, and although he accepted the trust he afterwards declined to act. He gave no reason for this course, but it was evident that Mr. Monroe then realizing the jealousy existing between the Northern and Southern sections of the country, was influenced by the thought or feeling that a want of confidence in him might interfere in his just discrimination between the disputing States.

Thus before the Constitution was framed, before the close of the War of the Revolution, and even before the Declaration of Independence, sectionalism

began to control the legislation and politics of the country.

A question of some importance which arose at this time, and took a sectional aspect, unfortunately, was that concerning the western and south-western boundaries of the Union, and the privileges of the navigation of the Mississippi River. Some of the Northern members were at least indifferent on the subject, and John Jay, the Secretary of the Congress, recommended an adjustment of the difficulties with Spain by a concession of our right to navigate that river for twenty-five years. Mr. Monroe and his colleagues from the South persistently and wisely fought against such a foolish step. Spain denied the right of this country to the use of the Mississippi, and the Southern delegates in the Congress would have decided the matter by actual conflict with that nation. Their wise course has always met the approbation of the people. But they were building better than they knew, or even cared, for the vast territorial and national destiny of this country was not then a problem challenging solution, it was not even a dream.

In his oration on Monroe John Quincy Adams said in apology for the little he had done in this term of three years in the Congress:

"The commerce, the public debt, the fiscal concerns, the foreign relations, the public lands, the obligations to the revolutionary veterans, the intercourse of war and peace with the Indian tribes, were all subjects on which the beneficent action of Congress was necessary; while at every step, and upon every subject, they were met by the same insurmountable barrier of interdicted or undelegated power. These observations may be deemed not inappropriate to the apology for Mr. Monroe, and for all the distinguished patriots associated with him, during his three years

of service in the Congress of the Confederation, in contemplating the slender results of benefit to the public in all the service which it was possible for them, thus cramped and crippled, to render."

Speaking of Mr. Monroe's withdrawal from the commission to adjust the territorial dispute between New York and Massachusetts, and the close of his service at this time in the Congress, Mr. Adams said :

"It was in the heat of the temper, kindled by this cause of discord, in the federal councils, that Mr. Monroe resigned his commission as a judge between the States of Massachusetts and New York. The opinions of both those States, indeed, coincided together, in variance from that which he entertained upon the absorbing interest of the right to navigate the Mississippi. But he beheld their countenance, 'that it was not toward him as before.' He felt there was no longer the same confidence in the dispositions of North and South to each other, which had existed when the selection of him had been made; and he withdrew from the invidious duty of deciding between parties, with either of whom he no longer enjoyed the satisfaction of a cordial harmony.

"By the Articles of Confederation no delegate in Congress was eligible to serve more than three years in six. Towards the close of 1786, the term of Mr. Monroe's service in that capacity expired. During that term, and while Congress were in session at New York, he formed a matrimonial connection with Miss Kortright, daughter of Mr. L. Kortright, of an ancient and respectable family of that State. This lady, of whose personal attractions and accomplishments it would be impossible to speak in terms of exaggeration, was, for a period, little short of half a century, the cherished and affectionate partner of his life and fortunes. She accompanied him in all his journeyings through this world of care, from which by the dispensation of Providence, she had been removed only a few months before himself. The companion of his youth was the solace of his declining years, and to the close of life enjoyed the testimonial of his affection, that with the external beauty and elegance of deportment, conspicuous to all who were honored with her acquaintance, she

united the more precious and endearing qualities which mark the fulfillment of all the social duties, and adorn with grace and fill with enjoyment the tender relations of domestic life."

Mr. Monroe had the good fortune, in the spring of 1784, to be associated with Hardy, Jefferson, and Arthur Lee in presenting to the Congress the deed from Virginia for her western territory, and in taking some part in attempting to form a system of territorial government.

CHAPTER III.

MR. MONROE IN THE LEGISLATURE-THE VIRGINIA CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION.

MR

R. MONROE was elected to the Legislature in the spring of 1787, this time from Spottsylvania County.

He took no part in that body in the discussions concerning the steps for ratifying the Constitution, but he was well known to be an opponent of the new government about to be set up. It was moving entirely too fast for him. But in the following spring he was elected as a delegate to the ratification convention, after having freely expressed his doubts and opinions. He objected to the Constitution in many of its parts, and was not quite decided as to the propriety of its adoption on the promises of its friends to make good the amendments its enemies demanded.

On the 2d of June, 1788, the Virginia Convention met to discuss the Constitution of the United States, then before the thirteen States for ratification. Mr. Monroe was a member of this convention, and although at times speaking so low that he could not be heard he was somewhat conspicuous at the side of Patrick Henry, George Mason, Joseph Jones, and others in opposing the adoption of the Constitution. by Virginia.