CHAPTER XXII. MR. MONROE'S SECOND INAUGURAL-FLORIDA AND R. MONROE had some doubt as to the propriety MR. of his making an address at his second inauguration; some members of his Cabinet were inclined to the omission of the usual address, and Mr. Monroe was himself much disposed to favor this opinion. But he finally concluded to take the course which would be looked for throughout the land, the practice of his predecessors; and accordingly the address was drawn up by himself, and after undergoing some slight changes in the Cabinet, it was ready for delivery. The 4th of March, 1821, fell on Sunday, and the question at once arose as to whether the President should take the oath of office on that day or the Monday following. According to the ordinary occurrence and understanding of this event each term of the Presidency expired in the night of the third or at noon on the 4th, and strictly speaking there would now appear to be a day, at least, in which the Government would be without an executive head. Mr. Monroe invited the Supreme Court to give an opinion on the point, and that body decided that it would be advisable to postpone the whole inauguration ceremony until the 5th. This advice was taken. It was the first time this arrangement of dates had occurred in the history of the Government, and the course adopted established a guide for all the future. Monday, the 5th of March, 1821, came, and this is the way an interested eye-witness described the second inauguration of James Monroe as President of the United States: "The arrangements were made at the Hall of the House of Representatives by the Marshal of the District, in concert with the Clerk, and by consent of the late Speaker of the House. There were seats reserved for the ladies of the heads of the Departments, and others for the members of the Diplomatic Corps and members of Congress. The President had requested the heads of Departments to assemble at his house and accompany him to the Capitol. The Marshal had recommended that the ladies go early to secure their admission into the Hall, and their seats. "The President, attired in a full suit of black broadcloth of somewhat antiquated fashion, with shoe and knee buckles, rode in a plain carriage with four horses and a single colored footman. The Secretaries of State, the Treasury, War, and Navy, followed, each in a carriage-and-pair. "There was no escort, nor any concourse of people on the way. But on alighting at the Capitol, a great crowd of people were found assembled, and the avenues to the Hall of the House were so packed up with persons pressing for admittance, that it was with the utmost difficulty that the President made his way through them into the House. Mr. Canning and Mr. Antrobus, in full court-dress uniform, were in the midst of this crowd, unable to obtain admission. We got in at last, after several minutes of severe pressure. There was not a soldier present, nor a constable distinguishable by any badge of office. The President took a seat on a platform, just before the Speaker's chair. The Chief Justice was seated at his right hand, the other judges of the Supreme Court in chairs fronting him; the President of the Senate and the late Speaker of the House, at his left hand; the heads of Departments sidelong at the right; and the foreign ministers in the seats of the members at the left. The House and galleries were as thronged as possible. There was much disorder of loud talking, and agitation in the gallery, not altogether ceasing even while the President was reading his address, which he did immediately after taking the oath. At this ceremony the Chief-Justice merely held the Book, the President repeating the oath in the words prescribed by the Constitution. The address was delivered in a suitably grave and rather low tone of voice. After it was finished, several persons came up to the President and shook hands with him by way of congratulation. At his departure from the House there was a cheering shout from the people in the galleries, and the music of the Marine Band played both at his entrance and departure. I returned home with my family, and immediately afterwards went to the President's house, where there was a numerous circle for congratulation. I then passed a couple of hours at my office, and in the evening attended a ball at Brown's Hotel. The President and his family were there, but retired before supper. We came home immediately after, and finished a fatiguing and bustling day, about midnight." The following is Mr. Monroe's SECOND INAUGURAL ADDRESS. March 5, 1821. FELLOW-CITIZENS,-I shall not attempt to describe the grateful emotions which the new and very distinguished proof of the confidence of my fellow-citizens, evinced by my re-election to this high trust, has excited in my bosom. The approbation which it announces of my conduct, in the preceding term, affords me a consolation which I shall profoundly feel through life. The general accord with which it has been expressed, adds to the great and never-ceasing obligations which it imposes. To merit the continuance of this good opinion, and to carry it with me into my retirement, as the solace of my advancing years, will be the object of my most zealous and unceasing efforts. Having no pretensions to the high and commanding claims of my predecessors, whose names are so much more conspicuously identified with our Revolution, and who contributed so preeminently to promote its success, I consider myself rather as the instrument, than the cause of the union which has prevailed in the late election. In surmounting, in favor of my humble pretensions, the difficulties which so often produce division in like occurrences, it is obvious that other powerful causes, indicating the great strength and stability of our Union, have essentially contributed to draw you together. That these powerful causes exist, and that they are permanent, is my fixed opinion; that they may produce a like accord in all questions, touching, however remotely, the liberty, prosperity, and happiness of our country, will always be the object of my most fervent prayers to the Supreme Author of all good. In a Government which is founded by the people, who possess exclusively the sovereignty, it seems proper that the person who may be placed by their suffrages in this high trust, should declare, on commencing its duties, the principles on which he intends to conduct the Administration. If the person, thus elected, has served the preceding term, an opportunity is afforded him to review its principal occurrences, and to give such further explanation respecting them, as in his judgment may be useful to his constituents. The events of one year have influence on those of another; and, in like manner, of a preceding on the succeeding Administration. The movements of a great Nation are connected in all their parts. If errors have been committed, they ought to be corrected; if the policy is sound, it ought to be supported. It is by a thorough knowledge of the whole subject that our fellowcitizens are enabled to judge correctly of the past, and to give a proper direction to the future. on con of Just before the commencement of the last term, the United States had concluded a war with a very powerful nation, ditions equal and honorable to both parties. The events of that war are too recent, and too deeply impressed on the memory all, to require a development from me. Our commerce had been, in a great measure, driven from the sea; our Atlantic and inland frontiers were invaded in almost every part; the waste of life along our coast, and on some parts of our inland frontiers, to the defense of which our gallant and patriotic citizens were called, was immense; in addition to which, not less than one hundred and twenty millions of dollars were added at its end to the public debt. As soon as the war had terminated, the Nation, admonished by its events, resolved to place itself in a situation which should be better calculated to prevent the recurrence of a like evil, and in case it should recur, to mitigate its calamities. With this view, after reducing our land force to the basis of a peace establishment, which has been further modified since, provision was made for the construction of fortifications at proper points, through the whole extent of our coast, and such an augmentation of our naval force, as should be well adapted to both purposes. The laws, making this provision, were passed in 1815 and '16, and it has been, since, the constant effort of the Executive to carry them into effect. The advantage of these fortifications, and of an augmented naval force, in the extent contemplated, in a point of economy, has been fully illustrated by a report of the board of engineers and naval commissioners, lately communicated to Congress, by which it appears that, in an invasion by twenty thousand men, with a correspondent naval force, in a campaign of six months only, the whole expense of the construction of the works would be defrayed by the difference in the sum necessary to maintain the force which would be adequate to our defense with the aid of these works, and that which would be incurred without them. The reason of this difference is obvious. If fortifications are judiciously placed on our great inlets, as distant from our cities as circumstances will permit, they will form the only points of attack, and the enemy will be detained there, by a small regular force, a sufficient time to enable our militia to collect and repair to that on which the attack is made. A force adequate to the enemy, collected at that single point, with suitable preparation for such others as might be menaced, is all that would be requisite. But, if there were no fortifications, then the enemy might go where he pleased, and changing his position, and sailing from place to place, our force must be called out and spread in vast numbers along the whole coast, and on both sides of every bay and river, as high up in each as it might be navigable for ships-of-war. By these fortifications, supported by our navy, to which they would afford like support, we should present to other powers an armed front from the St. Croix to the Sabine, which would protect, in the event of war, our whole coast and interior from invasion; and even in the wars of other powers, in which we were neutral, they would be found eminently useful, as, by keeping their public ships at a distance from our cities, peace and order in them would be preserved and the Government be protected from insult. It need scarcely be remarked, that these measures have not been resorted to in a spirit of hostility to other powers. Such a disposition does not exist toward any power. Peace and good-will have been, and will hereafter be, cultivated with all, and by the most faithful regard for justice. They have been dictated by a love of peace, of economy, and an earnest desire to save the lives |