languages. The flags of the two countries were at once displayed together; and long before instructions which he could understand reached him from Philadelphia, Mr. Monroe was well on in the startling business he had undertaken. Not until February, 1795, did he get Mr. Randolph's letters condemning his course. His conduct was farther aggravating by his behavior as to Mr. Jay's treaty with England. This treaty was no less obnoxious to him than it was to France; and his feelings were so strong in the matter, that he openly opposed it, and hoping that it would not be approved at home, acted as if his wishes were verified. This course and the general extravagance of his conduct were without apology. But his presence and personal popularity served, perhaps, to modify and restrain the evil passions of "our ally and friend."

In December, 1796, Mr. Pinckney, his successor, reached Paris with his recall. And the letter from Mr. Pickering (then Secretary of State) implied a censure of his conduct in the mission which Mr. Monroe was in no temper to pass by unnoticed.

On his return to the United States his political friends. received him with gratifying attentions, and, in pursuance of the defensive policy he had taken up after the Virginia ratification convention, he now published a voluminous account of his mission and support of his own conduct against that of the Administration.

This performance was not to his credit, and whatever purpose it served for the time, it never gained him a friend.

The following is the contents of the title-page given to the work by its editor, Benjamin Franklin

Bache, the whole volume containing over four hundred octavo pages, and being without literary merit :

"A View of the Conduct of the Executive in the Foreign Affairs of the United States, connected with the Mission to the French Republic, during the years 1794, 5, and 6, by James Monroe, late Minister Plenipotentiary to the said Republic. Illustrated by his Instructions and Correspondence and other Authentic Documents. Copyright secured according to law. Philadelphia. Printed by and for Benjamin Franklin Bache, and to be had at the Office of the 'Aurora,' No. 142 Market Street. MDCCXCVII."

The "advertisement" contains these words:

"The editor conceives it incumbent on him to inform the public that the author of the following View' is not concerned in the emoluments of the publication. The editor holds the copyright as a free gift, and it is entirely at his expense and for his benefit that the work is published."

The following statements, with some letters and extracts from the "View," give Mr. Monroe's own history, with sufficient fullness, of this notorious public employment :

In the month of May, 1794, I was invited by the President of the United States, through the Secretary of State, to accept. the office of Minister Plenipotentiary to the French Republic. The proposition was plain and direct, announcing to me, for the first time, that the Executive thought of me for that office; and certain it is, I did not solicit, desire, or even think of it for myself. The Secretary observed that Mr. Morris was to be recalled, and it became necessary to appoint a successor, the President had requested him to inform me he should be glad I would take his place. I received the communication with a due degree of sensibility; but yet the proposal was so new and unexpected, that it was, from a variety of considerations, impossible for me to give an immediate answer to it. I requested some days to deliberate on the subject, which were granted.

I was, at this time, a member of tho Senate of the United States for the State of Virginia, which station I had held for

several years before. It had been, too, my fortune in the course of my service to differ from the Administration upon many of our most important public measures. It is not necessary to specify here the several instances in which this variance in political sentiment took place between the Administration and myself; I think proper, however, to notice two examples of it, since they serve essentially to illustrate the principles upon which that variance was founded, and the light in which I was known to the Administration and my country before this proposal was made to me. The first took place when Mr. Morris was nominated Minister Plenipotentiary to the French Republic; which nomination I opposed, because I was persuaded, from Mr. Morris's known political character and principles, that his appointment, and especially at a period when the French nation was in a course of revolution from an arbitrary to a free government, would tend to discountenance the republican cause there and at home, and otherwise weaken, and greatly to our prejudice, the connection subsisting between the two countries. The second took place when Mr. Jay was nominated to Great Britain; which nomination, too, I opposed, because, under all the well-known circumstances of the moment, I was of opinion we could not adopt such a measure, consistently either with propriety or any reasonable prospect of adequate success; since being a measure without tone, and one which secured to that power time, which, of all things it wished to secure, it seemed better calculated to answer its purpose than ours; moreover, because I was of opinion, in the then state of European affairs, it would be made by the enemies of the two republics the means of embroiling us with France, the other party to the European war; and because I thought it was unconstitutional to appoint a member of the judiciary into an executive office. And, lastly, because I also thought, from a variety of considerations, it would be difficult to find within the limits of the United States, a person who was more likely to improve, to the greatest possible extent, the mischief to which the measure naturally exposed us. This last example took place only a few weeks before my own appointment, which was on the 28th of May, 1794.

When I considered these circumstances, I was surprised that this proposal should be made me by the Administration, and intimated the same to the Secretary of State, who replied, that my political principles, which were known to favor the French.

revolution, and to cherish a friendly connection with France, were a strong motive with the President for offering me the mission, since he wished to satisfy the French government what his own sentiments were upon those points. He added that, in his opinion, the President was as sincere a friend to the French revolution and our alliance with France as I could be, and, of course, that nothing would be required of me inconsistent with my own principles; on the contrary, that I should be placed on a theater where I might gratify my feelings in those respects, and at the same time render a most useful and acceptable service to my country; for that our affairs with France had fallen into great derangement, and required an immediate and decisive effort to retrieve them. Thus advised I submitted the proposition to my friends, who were of opinion I ought to accept it, and whereupon I did accept it.

My instructions were drawn in strict conformity with these sentiments, as will appear by a perusal of them. They enjoined it on me to use my utmost endeavors to inspire the French government with perfect confidence in the solicitude which the President felt for the success of the French revolution, of his preference for France to all other nations as the friend and ally of the United States; of the grateful sense which we still retained for the important services that were rendered us by France in the course of our revolution; and to declare in explicit terms that, although neutrality was the lot we preferred, yet in case we embarked in the war it would be on her side and against her enemies, be they who they might, Several incidents which had occurred in the course of our affairs of a nature to create in France doubts of a contrary disposition in our councils, were expressly adverted to, for the purpose of enabling me to dissipate those doubts, by such explanations as might be most successful. The mission of Mr. Jay to London was particularly noticed; because it was, I presume, deemed most likely to produce or foster such doubts. Upon this point my instructions were as follows: "It is not improbable you will be obliged to encounter on this head suspicions of various kinds. But you may declare the motives of that mission to be, to obtain immediate compensation for our plundered property and restitution of the posts."

Another incident was taken advantage of by the Administration, with a view to satisfy the government of France that its professions were in all respects sincere. The Senate and House

of Representatives had each passed a resolution expressive of the interest they took, respectively, in the welfare of the French Republic, with a request by each to the Executive to transmit the same in its behalf to the French government. In fulfilling this duty the Executive availed itself of the opportunity furnished, to declare its own sentiments on the same subject, which it did in terms the most strong and emphatic that could be used. In communicating the resolution of the Senate it was observed by the Secretary of State (through whose department the communication passed) "that in executing this duty, the liberal succors which the United States received from the French nation, in their struggle for independence, present themselves warm to the recollection. On this basis was the friendship between the two nations founded; on this basis and the continued interchange of regard since has it grown; and supported by these motives it will remain firm and constant. The Senate, therefore, tender to the committee of public safety their zealous wishes for the French Republic; they learn with sensibility every success which promotes the happiness of the French nation; and the full establishment of their peace and liberty will be ever esteemed by the Senate as a happiness to the United States and to humanity." And in communicating that of the House of Representatives, it was further added: "That in no manner could this honorable and grateful function be more properly discharged than by seizing the occasion of declaring to the ally of the United States that the cause of liberty, in the defense of which so much American blood and treasures have been lavished, is cherished by our republic with increasing enthusiasm; that under the standard of liberty wheresoever it shall be displayed, the affection of the United States will always rally; and that the successes of those who stand forth as her avengers will be gloried in by the United States, and will be felt as the successes of themselves and the other friends of humanity. Yes, representatives of our ally, your communication has been addressed to those who share in your fortunes, and who take a deep interest in the happiness and prosperity of the French Republic.'

These resolutions were public, being printed and published on the journal of each house; whence it was reasonable to infer that the communication of the Executive, which announced them to the French government, was likewise of a public nature, especially when it was considered that the committee of public safety might publish the whole, if it thought fit. No intimation was