Cabinet, that if we were not accommodated, we would join in the war against them. We could not accept it at the price of an equivalent, and thus pay again for what was already our due: Nor could we expect it from the affection, the justice, or the liberality of that court; for we well knew that if it had possessed those virtues, we should have had no cause of complaint. But we could not join in the war, nor even avail ourselves of that argument in negotiation, without a concert with France; for without such concert, we might commence at the moment she was about to conclude; whereby we should be left alone to contend. with that power, who would probably be supported by Spain. If, then, our good understanding with France was broken, or the necessary concert between us incomplete, Britain would only have to amuse us till the crisis had passed, and then defy us.

"If this doctrine is true, and it is admitted, that the success of Mr. Jay's mission depended upon a good understanding with the French Republic, it follows, that the more cordial it was, and the more generally known, the happier the effect would be; and of course that, by exhibiting this public proof of it, instead of retarding, I forwarded essentially the object of that negotiation. And such, indeed, was my idea at the time; for I knew that the movement would be so understood on the other side of the channel; and in consequence, believed it would produce a good effect, and in which I was the more confirmed by the information of several of my countrymen, who were in England when the embargo was imposed, and who assured me that if it had been continued, Mr. Jay's success would have been immediate.

"That the English administration would complain of this movement, and of me, was what I expected; but I knew that I was sent here not to subserve the views of that administration, and trusted that whilst I rested on my instructions, and performed my duty with integrity, although my judgment might occasionally err, as those of most men sometimes do, that no concession would be made to my discredit, in favor of that administration; on the contrary, that I should be firmly supported against its attacks by those who sent me here. I trust that this has been the case in the present instance, and upon which point I am more anxious upon public than private considerations; because I well know that if any such concession has been made, it was immediately communicated by its instruments here, and for the purpose of weakening the confidence of this government in our own; a

practice systematically pursued heretofore, and with the hope of separating, or at least of preventing any kind of concert between the two countries.

"Had the fortunes of France been unprosperous upon my arrival here, the motive for greater caution would have been stronger. But the case was in every respect otherwise. Her fortunes were at the height of prosperity, and those of her enemies decisively on the decline. It was obvious that nothing was wanting to preserve tranquillity at home, and to insure success in our foreign negotiations, but the good wishes and the good offices of this Republic towards us. By the measure, therefore, I thought that every thing was to be gained and nothing to be lost.

Upon the third point but little need be said. I have some time since transmitted to you a decree which carried the treaty into effect, and yielded the point in question. Satisfied I am, too, it was greatly forwarded, if not absolutely obtained, by the manner in which it was urged: for a generous policy is better calculated to produce a good effect here, than a strict one; and other than in this light my declaration can not be considered. Surely I did not concede the point, nor intimate an indifference upon it; on the contrary, I labored, with the greatest force of which I was capable, to demonstrate the interest we had in it as well as themselves; nor did I condescend in that or any other transaction. In general I know I am more apt to err on the other side; and I am persuaded, that in the present instance you will find, upon a perusal of the paper in question, that although it contains expressions of friendship, it certainly betrays none of condescension.

"I have thus answered the objections contained in your strictures upon my conduct, by stating the circumstances under which I acted, with my motives of action; and I presume satisfied you that I did not merit them. But I can not dismiss the subject without observing, that, when I review the scenes through which I have passed, recollect the difficulties I had to encounter, the source from whence they proceeded, and my efforts to inspire confidence in our Administration, without which nothing could be done, and much mischief was to be apprehended, I can not but feel mortified to find that, for this very service, I am censured by that Administration.

"You have already seen by the course of my correspondence, that however difficult it was to succeed, yet at certain times we

were completely possessed of the confidence of this government; and that, at these times, I had the good fortune to accomplish some objects of importance to us. But it is likewise my duty to inform you, that I was at the same time enabled to penetrate more accurately into what would most probably be its policy towards us, in case we continued to possess that confidence unimpaired; and I now declare, that I am of opinion, if we stood firmly upon that ground, there is no service within the power of this Republic to render, that it would not render us, and upon the slightest intimation. In the interval between the period of those communications which were made by me to the committee, explanatory of our situation with Britain, Spain, etc., and the arrival of the intelligence of Mr. Jay's treaty, the indications of this disposition were extremely strong: For at that time I had reason to believe that it contemplated to take under its care, and to provide for, our protection against Algiers; for the expulsion of the British from the western posts, and the establishment of our right with Spain to the free navigation of the Mississippi, to be executed in the mode we should prefer, and upon terms perfectly easy to us; terms, in short, which sought only the aid of our credit to obtain a loan from our own banks for an inconsiderable sum, to be laid out in the purchase of provisions, within our own country, and to be reimbursed, if possible, by themselves. But by that intelligence this disposition was checked, but not changed; for it is with the course of opinions as with that of bodies, and which are not easily to be forced in an opposite direction, after they have decisively taken a particular one. I mention this for your information, not indeed, in relation to the past, but future measures of the Executive; for I am still inclined to believe, that if the arrangement with England, or the negotiation with Spain should fail, it is possible, provided a suitable attempt be made here before a peace is closed with those powers respectively, to accomplish the whole through the means of this government, and upon terms which would perhaps require no offensive movement, or other act which would rightfully subject us to the imputation of a breach of neutrality. Well satisfied I am, that the full weight of its fortunes might be thrown with decision into our scale, and in a manner that would enable us to turn those fortunes to the best account in negotiation.

"I am happy to inform you, that Mrs. La Fayette was lately set at liberty; and, although I could not make a formal applica

tion in her favor, yet it was done in accommodation with that which was informally made. She attended immediately at my house, to declare the obligation she owed to our country, and of which she manifested the highest sensibility. Unfortunately she is, and has been for some time past, destitute of resource, and, in consequence, required aid, not only for present support, but to discharge the debts that were already due, and for which she applied to me; and was, thereupon, furnished with a sum in assignats, equivalent to about one thousand dollars in specie. I made this advance upon the principle it was my duty to make it as the representative of the United States, and in the expectation that the like sum, which would be paid to my order by our bankers in Amsterdam, would be taken from the fund appropriated to the use of her husband by the Congress in the course of the last year. Is this approved, and may I upon that fund make future advances adequate to her support, and for which the interest will perhaps suffice?

"A treaty of peace, or rather of amity, with Tuscany, with the progress of a revolution in Holland, which has been more rapid than I expected it would be, are the only events worthy of notice that have taken place since my last, and for more particular details respecting which I beg leave to refer you to Mr. Adet, to whose care the present is committed.

"P. S. I herewith inclose you a report from Mr. Skipwith, upon some cases that were noticed in your last dispatch; as likewise upon some others upon which application will most probably be made to you, and whereby you will be enabled to give satisfactory information to the parties concerned."

On the 25th of January, 1795, Mr. Monroe made a communication of importance to the French Committee of Public Safety on the navigation of the Mississippi River, and the disputes concerning it. But in this paper he assumed and set forth as a fact the sinister designs of England, and urged the propriety and interest of France to entertain a policy dissimilar to that of England, in a style hardly discreet for a diplomatic communication, to say the least. The French management signified, in reply, that the action of

France in the matter, in a way favorable to the United States, would depend upon the fate of the Jay Treaty.

Notwithstanding the neutrality of the United States, positively and authoritatively declared, as to European difficulties, France chose to consider that any treaty this country made with England should have special reference to her interests. The Revolutionary claim of France upon the gratitude of this country was to be eternal in its good results. But Mr. Monroe shared the opinions of the French leaders as to the Jay Treaty. His dislike was increased by the conduct of Mr. Jay in withholding the treaty from him, and by the disposition of the Administration at home, as he believed, to do the same.

In May, 1795, Mr. Randolph had said in a letter to him: "Mr. Jay has transmitted the correspondence between you and him. When he arrives I shall, perhaps, forward the sentiments of the President as to the footing on which the business has been placed by him."

That Mr. Monroe had the disposition to take any step contrary to the expressed will of the Administration, or that he would have seriously contemplated giving sway to a sentiment of his own in opposition to the known policy of the "Government," is hardly to be considered as probable. While he, for a time, overestimated the sentiment of the Administration, or failed to comprehend its intentions towards France, the following extract from a letter to Mr. Randolph, dated Paris, August 17, 1795, will show his entire disposition to comply with his instructions:

"SIR,-I have not been honored with any communication from you since that of the 2d May last; though, doubtless, others are on their way, and which I shall soon receive.