our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them, by the ties of our common kindred, to disavow these usurpations, which would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence. They too have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must therefore acquiesce in the necessity which denounces our separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind enemies in war, in peace friends.

"We, therefore, the representatives of the United States of America, in general congress assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the name and by the authority of the good people of these colonies, solemnly publish and declare that these united colonies are, and of right ought to be, FREE AND INDEPENDENT STATES; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown, and that all political connection between them and the state of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved; and that, as free and independent states, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent states may of right do. And for the support of this declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor."

"JOHN HANCOCK."

Since John Hancock was the president of congress, his signature stood by itself. It was followed by the signatures of the delegates from New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York (given the following week), New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia. Matthew Thornton of New Hampshire was allowed to sign it on the 4th of November, just four months after its adoption.

On the same day that the Declaration was adopted, it was ordered that copies should be sent to the several assemblies, conventions and committees or councils of safety, and to the commanding officers of the Continental troops, and that it be proclaimed in each of the United States and at the head of the army.

The first public celebration of the event was in Philadelphia on the 8th of July. It did not take place earlier because printed copies were not ready sooner. At noon on the day named, the committee of safety and of inspection, the officers of the city government and the members of congress marched in procession from the hall to the yard, where an immense multitude had gathered. John Nixon, a member of the committee of safety, then read from the balcony in a loud and clear voice the immortal Declaration of Independence, which was received with cheers and uproarious enthusiasm. The day was given to jollification, and the old Liberty Bell pealed out its joyous notes over the town and along the Delaware.

I hope that most readers of these pages have looked upon the Liberty Bell of Philadelphia. It will always remain one of the most precious heir-looms of our country. It is now broken, and its iron tongue is forever silent, but the duty which it did more than a hundred years ago has given it a glory that can never perish.

When you enter the old Independence Hall on Chestnut Street in Philadelphia and view the bell, you can not fail to be struck with the beauty and significance of the words cast upon it long years before any one dreamed of the Revolution: "Proclaim liberty throughout all the land unto all the inhabitants thereof." The bell was an object of great interest at the Centennial Exposition held at Philadelphia in 1876, and at all other Expositions at which it has been exhibited.

It is impossible to describe the rejoicing with which the news of the Declaration of Independence was received throughout the colonies, or rather the United States as they must hereafter be called. The symbols of royalty were torn down and burned. The leaden equestrian statue of King George, standing in Bowling Green, New York, was overthrown, the head taken off, and wheeled to the house of the governor. The rest of the statue was molded into more than forty thousand bullets, and used to fight the subjects of King George.

There was reason for this excess of joy, but those who stopped to think saw that serious work was before them. Although the colonies had declared themselves independent, it remained for them to secure that independence. Great Britain was not to be frightened into acknowledging them as the United States of America. On the contrary, she was sure to put forth her mightiest efforts to conquer those who had dared to rebel against her authority.

ΟΝ

CHAPTER III.

1776. THE CAMPAIGN IN NEW YORK.

N the very day that the attack was made on Fort Moultrie at Charleston, a part of the British fleet from Nova Scotia arrived off Sandy Hook. You will recall that when Howe evacuated Boston with his troops, during the previous March, he sailed for Halifax, from which point he now came with re-enforcements, meaning to capture the city of New York.

Before General Lee went south to take charge of affairs there, he had done a good deal in the way of fortifying New York against the attack that every one knew would soon be made, but the general was no more hopeful of the northern than of the southern city. He was quite sure that a successful defense could not be made against a strong attack. But Washington did not share this misgiving. On his arrival in New York, he set to work to strengthen the defenses in every possible manner. His best engineers were given charge of the business, and thousands of men plied pick and shovel as if their lives were at stake.

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General Putman believed Governor's Island was a place of great strategic importance. He, therefore, seized it early in April, before the arrival of Washington, and threw up breast works as a protection against Tryon's ships. Red Hook, on Long Island, was also occupied. Some weeks later fortifications were erected at Paulus Hook (now Jersey City), and hulks were sunk in the channel between Governor's Island and the Battery.

During the summer, the building of Fort Lee was begun on the Palisades, up the Hudson, while on the New York side, where now is 183d Street, stood the work known as Fort Washington. Three water-batteries were erected along the shore between Red Hook and Fort Lee, so that by the time the British fleet arrived almost a hundred cannon and mortars were mounted and ready for service. No point was neglected, and when Washington came upon the ground he improved the defenses every hour. It was not long before New York was an intrenched camp.

General Sir William Howe, commanding the British forces, was the first to arrive, reaching Sandy Hook in the frigate Greyhound. Governor Tryon gave him a fawning welcome. You must not forget that New York abounded with loyalists or Tories, and Governor Tryon was one of the chief of them.

When we compare the battles of the Revolution with those of our Civil War, the former seem very slight, yet they were in many cases of vast importance, and sometimes assumed large proportions.

The intention of General Howe was to land on Long Island, but the strong defenses of the Americans caused him to disembark his troops on Staten Island, where he made

his head-quarters. Admiral Howe arrived soon after, and in August came the Hessians, the hirelings for whom Great Britain paid thirty-six dollars a head. Altogether the forces numbered thirty-two thousand men. One-fourth of them were Hessians, under the command of General De Heister, a veteran of many campaigns. They formed a very

important part of the British army.

Against this well-equipped and disciplined force, Washington could oppose an army of scarcely half the number, poorly-disciplined, a large number without uniforms, and many lacking in courage and genuine patriotism. They were miserably paid, and the terms of enlistment expired at such various times, that it may be said the discharged soldiers and deserters formed a continuous procession from camp, the recruits making a similar procession from the opposite direction.

In the American ranks were men and officers from nearly every state. Wherever there was any attempt at uniform, each state had its own; but as most of them had none at all, their ragged dress was in striking contrast to the brilliant uniform of the British.

General Howe's first step on reaching New York was to send two ships and three tenders up the Hudson. He expected by this means to cut off from Washington's army communication with the country and with Canada, thus shutting off its supplies. His purpose was also to take soundings of the river and to encourage the Tories who, as you know, were numerous in that section. The ships got by the batteries without special injury, and were gone more than a month. When they came back, they had but two tenders, one having been burned by the Americans.

Both Admiral and General Howe felt a strong admiration for the colonies, and gladly carried out their orders to make advances with a view of bringing back the Americans to their allegiance without further fighting. On the 14th of July Lord Howe sent a flag of truce within the lines, bearing a letter addressed to "George Washington, Esq." When Adjutant-general Reed observed the superscription, he refused to receive it, explaining that there was no person in the American army with such an address. Some time after, the letter was again sent forward, directed to "George Washington, etc., etc., etc." At the same time it was explained that personally Lord Howe would be happy to recognize the most exalted title that could be given Washington, but that his king would not permit him, in his official capacity, to do so. He wished it understood that the second address was to be accepted as signifying whatever General Washington desired.

While this might be considered to some extent a concession, it was not satisfactory, and Washington still refused to receive the communication. The wishes of Lord Howe, however, were made known to Washington and to a committee of congress, but you scarcely need to be told that nothing came of the proposition...

On the 22d of August, the British troops were transferred from Staten Island to Gravesend Bay on Long Island, the movement being covered by a sharp fire from the fleet. It could no longer be doubted that the British, instead of bombarding New York, meant to advance upon the city across Long Island. Expecting such a movement, Washington had stationed Greene's division at Brooklyn. Unfortunately, however, General Greene himself (one of the very best leaders of the Revolution), was stricken