before Genet was recognized as the minister of France. He was very popular in America, notwithstanding his insulting course toward the authorities in this country. When he started northward, crowds flocked to see him, and he received an ovation on reaching Philadelphia.

Jefferson, although a warm friend of France, was greatly incensed by Genet's proceedings. On the 7th of July, he told him he had learned that a certain vessel had received extra guns, and was about ready to sail on a privateering expedition. When Genet was asked to detain the vessel, he refused to do so. He charged the American government with violating its treaties with France, with allowing the French flag to be insulted by the English, and with showing the grossest favoritism toward the country that had tried so hard to enslave America. He attempted to explain the law to Jeffer son, claiming that the president should have acted differently, and threatened to command Washington to convene Congress.

The course of Genet finally became intolerable, and Washington ordered our minister at Paris to demand his recall. This demand was complied with, and Genet's services as minister were dispensed with. He did not go home, however, but married a daughter of Governor Clinton of New York, and stayed in this country until his death. in 1834.

The new government had great difficulty to maintain neutrality, England being as troublesome as France. I have told you that England felt sullen toward us, even though her king had given such warm welcome to John Adams, the first minister sent to him. In the month of November, 1793, the king issued secret instructions to British privateers to seize all neutral vessels that might be found trading in the French West Indies. The United States received no notice of such a high-handed measure, and it was not long, therefore, before millions of dollars worth of property was swept away by a system that was neither more nor less than piracy.

Such acts angered the Americans, but through the wisdom of the government, another war with Great Britain was averted. The course of England was so unjust that in May, 1794, Chief-Justice Jay was sent as envoy extraordinary to demand redress of the English government. He found the British minister for foreign affairs as desirous as he to settle the differences. In November they agreed upon a treaty, which was ratified by the Senate in June, 1795, and went into operation in the following February.

By the provisions of this treaty, the British garrisons were to be withdrawn from the western posts by June 1, 1796; free inland navigation upon lakes and rivers was guaranteed to both nations, except that the United States was shut out from the territory of the Hudson Bay Company; British vessels were to be admitted to the rivers and harbors on the sea coast of the United States, but the shipping of the latter was excluded from the rivers and harbors of the British provinces, except in the case of small vessels trading between Montreal and Quebec; a commission was to fix our north-eastern boundary; the United States was to guarantee to British creditors the payment of debts incurred before the war, provided they were such debts as would be collectible by an American creditor; Great Britain was to pay for losses from irregular captures by British cruisers; citizens of either country were to be allowed to hold landed property in the

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territory of the other; no private property was to be confiscated in case of war; trade between the United States and the West India Islands could be carried on by both American and English vessels, but our vessels were forbidden to take West Indian prod ucts from the islands or from the states to any other part of the world. This clause of the treaty was to be in force only two years, when further negotiation was provided for. The other articles, which were to be effective only two years, provided that American vessels might trade between the East Indies and the United States, but in time of war must not take thither any rice or military or naval stores; established freedom of commerce between the British dominions in Europe, and the United States; provided for the regulation of duties, the appointment of consuls, and the rules of blockade; regulated privateering; defined what was contraband of war, and agreed to punish piracy; ships of war were to be received in the ports of either country; in the event of war between Great Britain and the United States, citizens of either in the other's territory were not to be disturbed; and criminals escaping from one country to the other were to be delivered up.

By a glance over the main provisions of this treaty, you can see that its terms were much more favorable to Great Britain than to the United States. There were many Americans who said that the treaty was made only to avoid a war with England. Indeed, the anger deepened all over the country. Immense public meetings were held in Boston, Philadelphia, New York, Charleston and other cities; those who dared to defend the treaty were threatened with personal violence; Hamilton was assaulted at a public meeting; the British minister at Philadelphia was insulted, and Jay was burned in effigy. Even President Washington was shown disrespect, in some instances. The democrats made the most opposition, declaring that the treaty was not only the basest ingratitude to France, but was nothing short of treason to America, and that eternal hatred should be held to England and to all forms of monarchy. By and by a re-action set in, and, as I have already said, the treaty was ratified by the Senate, and thus the impending war with England was prevented.

Although the two great leaders, Hamilton and Jefferson, were widely opposed in their views, and were continually disputing over political subjects, they were agreed in insisting upon Washington's re-election to the presidency. He preferred to retire, but Jefferson threatened to resign if he did so, and, actuated as the good man always was by his love for his country, he consented to stand for re-election. There was no competitor against him, and in the autumn of 1792, he was chosen for a second term to begin in the following March. Adams was also re-elected vice-president, though he had an opponent in George Clinton of New York.

On December 31, 1793, Jefferson resigned his office as secretary of foreign affairs, and retired to private life at his home at Monticello, Virginia. About a year later, Hamilton resigned as the minister of finance. Before leaving Philadelphia, Hamilton issued a report on the finances of the United States, explaining in full his plans. He was a man of remarkable powers. Jefferson said that he was a colossus to his party and a host in himself. He was strong alike in debate and in administration. The results of Hamilton's policy were the restoration of public credit, and the revival of trade and industry.

About this time General Knox resigned as secretary of war, leaving Washington much weakened by the withdrawal of these members of his cabinet. Jefferson was succeeded by Edmund Randolph, and Knox by Timothy Pickering, who, in turn, gave way to James McHenry. Hamilton was succeeded by Oliver Wolcott, who remained through Washington's administration.

Meanwhile, the new state of Kentucky, with the adjoining territory, was rapidly filling up with emigrants. Kentucky demanded the right freely to navigate the Mississippi, and asked Congress to maintain that right at any cost. The government moved too slowly to please the Kentuckians, and they prepared to invade Louisiana. This enormous area, stretching from the Gulf of Mexico to British America, and westward from the Mississippi to the Rocky Mountains, belonged to Spain, which country at that time was at war with France. When the United States proposed a treaty with Spain by which the free navigation of the Mississippi could be gained, she was unwilling, but was led by her fears to comply. In October, 1795, a treaty was made by which the boundaries of Louisiana and Florida on the one hand, and the American Republic on the other, were defined, and the United States gained for ten years the right freely to navigate the Mississippi, and to use New Orleans as a port.

About the same time a treaty, of which any civilized nation ought to have been ashamed, was signed with Algiers. I have told you how, when Jefferson was minister to France, he tried to bring about a union of several powers to crush out the piracy of the Barbary States, and to end the tribute the Christian nations were forced to pay those robbers. He failed, and now the United States joined the list of countries that gave tribute to the pirates. Between 1785 and 1793, the Algerine corsairs had captured fifteen Amer ican vessels, and had made slaves of a hundred and eighty officers and seamen. By the treaty of November 28, 1795, Algiers promised not to molest our citizens, provided we paid $800,000 for the prisoners then in their power, and an annual tribute of $23,000, and made the Dey, or ruler, a present of a frigate worth $100,000. I suppose the United States could not do better at the time, although it seemed a shameful surrender on the part of a strong nation. The treaty, however, did not last long, as you shall soon learn. In the conflicts between two great political parties, there are always bitter feelings and hard words. Washington, although great and good, was abused and reviled, just as many an excellent president has been since. It was even said that he was dishonest, and there were rash congressmen who claimed he ought to be impeached. He was always a federalist, and the democrats in Congress fought against him. Shortly after entering upon his second term, there was more trouble about the treaty that Jay had made with England. The majority of the House of Representatives were so opposed to the treaty that, when the members met in March, 1796, they did all they could against it, though it had been ratified by the Senate and proclaimed by the president.

The house felt aggrieved because their counsel had not been asked, and they passed a vote, calling on the president to send to them the papers and correspondence connected with Jay's negotiations. Washington refused to submit the papers, on the ground that the house had no constitutional right to make such a demand, and his compliance would act as a bad precedent.

The Senate, as required by law, had ratified the treaty, but to bring its measures into operation, money was required, which could only be granted by the house. The opposition, therefore, thought they could still defeat the measure by refusing to grant the needed appropriations.

When the matter came before the house, there was a majority against it. Fisher Ames of Massachusetts, who rose to speak in favor of the administration, was ill and could hardly keep his feet. He was pale, thin and weak, and his voice was faint. But by and by, becoming eager and excited with his subject, his voice grew strong, his eyes flashed, and he made one of the most eloquent pleas ever heard on the floor of Congress. Many were moved to tears, and one of the members of the opposition, dreading the effect of his impassioned oratory, asked that the vote on the question should be postponed until the next day. The debate was continued through the session and the government won, though only by the close majority of three.

As one administration draws to a close, we begin to talk about the men who are to be the next candidates for office. Washington's second term would end on the 4th of March, 1797, and during the autumn of the previous year, the question of his successor was freely discussed. There were many, including John Adams, who wished him to be a candidate for a third time. The country was still involved in difficulties, and, despite the opposition to the policy of Washington, a majority believed that he was the only one who could lead the United States to a lasting peace and prosperity. But the great man was utterly weary of the task; he was growing old, and longed for the quiet of his loved home and family. His resolution could not be shaken, and he saw with a relief that can not be described the approach of his final retirement from office.

Although his term would not close until the 4th of the following March, the farewell address to the people of the United States was dated September 17, 1796. In this memorable paper, he made known his determination not to be considered among the number from whom a new president was to be chosen. He expressed his deep gratitude for the many honors his countrymen had bestowed on him; for the steadfast confidence with which his measures had been supported, and for the many chances thus given of showing his inviolable attachment to the institutions of his native land. The love of liberty, he said, was so interwoven with every ligament of their hearts, that no recommendation of his was necessary to fortify that attachment. The unity of government, by which they were made one people, had also become very dear to him.

"It is justly so," he continued, "for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence the support of your tranquillity at home, your peace abroad; of your safety, of your prosperity; of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But, as it is easy to foresee that, from different causes, and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truthas this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insid iously) directed-it is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national union to your collective and individual happiness; that