the people have carried a law which will create popular man

ners.

These two measures passed-who can doubt as to which way is flowing the tide of future events?

Nor have we here been following a course at variance with the nations around us during the period to which I have referred, or in discordance with that longer portion of human action, which is what we call the history of the world. From the laying of the first stone of the pyramids of Egypt, to the abolition of slavery in the West Indies, the great masses of mankind have been gradually advancing in condition and the sacred law which we obey, preached with a divine prescience nearly two thousand years ago, only proclaimed an equality, which passing through two systems -that of chivalry and the church-and aided by a series of almost miraculous discoveries—has been daily advancing from that hour to this.

I look upon it as certain then, that in this country, we shall also see a monarchy of the middle classes, at no distant date; whether we approach it gradually, slowly, safely, as I believe we shall; or whether we are hurried to it on the blast of some political tempest, which we cannot now foresee, but which the air—charged with electricity—is at any moment liable to produce.

It cannot, therefore, be without interest to observe-that the same year which has advanced us by a new step, and a gigantic step towards such a monarchy ;-has shown it, shaking and trembling to its foundations in the country of which I am writing.

Thus our attention is naturally awakened to France; and we anxiously enquire whether the dangers that menace her, are such as we shall have in our turn to experience. Let us then see whether that nation, which possesses more popular ideas, and, in

* If the Lords had altered the qualification of the town council, and succeeded in appointing the town clerk for life, they would have done something, but they would have done much less than they imagined. They would have confined corporate power in certain hands; but they would have left the origin of that power in the community. It would still have been not to those above, but to those below them, that the ambitious among the town's people would have had to look for power; and this would have done what I have said the law as it stands must more effectually do, viz. create popular manners.

as we never saw.

some respects, more popular institutions than ours, does not also still possess some trappings of a galling and tinselled tyranny, such In its manners are the traces of former servitude yet visible? Over its laws do those manners yet exercise some influence? In its progress do we remark those abrupt stoppages and rapid movements which show that it has pursued-not the safe and even course?

On the other hand;-is it not true, that the improvements we are looking forward to, will come as the necessary result of others that have preceded them?

Is it not true, that the equality we anticipate will have been preceded by a freedom we have long enjoyed; and that the democracy attaining power will have been educated by an aristocracy that has long possessed it ?

Is it not true, that a government of the middle classes in this country would be the government-not of a few of those classes admitted with fear and caution into the gestion of public affairsbut of the great bulk of the people long accustomed to the management of their local concerns?

Is it not true, that a government of the middle classes in England would be a government well suited to the serious and commercial character of the English, as a government of the middle classes in France is hostile to the vain and military character of the French?

Neither would such a government be productive, in both countries, of all the same results. I have to notice a licentious literature, an irreligious people, a philosophy imbued with that spirit of association natural to the state of things amidst which it appears, but covered, at the same time, with the taudry tatters of a depraved licentiousness, the baleful heritage of times gone by. Nobody will believe-whatever mischief might arise therefrom-that the advancing influence of the middling and lower orders of society with us would be accompanied by such consequences. The evils to dread would indeed be of a directly contrary description;-an over fanatic zeal in religion, an extravagant severity of manners, and a temporary absence of those charms of literature and society, which add to the happiness, and ought not to corrupt the manners, of mankind.

To prepare the change that is inevitable, to infuse into the de

mocracy that is advancing to power, what was great and graceful in the best days of the aristocracy that has long possessed it ;to ingraft on the manly and solid character of the English people, the lofty daring and the cultivated intelligence which in times not ' remote from these were remarkable in the English nobility;-to join to the popular virtues of economy and industry, the no less necessary qualities (in those who are to guide an empire) of justice, honour, and courage;-to moderate the popular zeal in politics and religion, by a learned toleration for the feelings and opinions of all opponents;-such, it appears to me, should be the desire of a writer who hopes, my dear Sir, for your friendship, and aspires above the mere party aims and politics of the hour.

Some, I know, imagine that every period of civilization is to have the same results. They quarrel with the times gone by, on account of the class which ruled then, as others quarrel with the present, because the power from that class is passing-has in fact passed away. This, I feel sure, is not the judgment of your liberal and enlightened mind. To an independent and respectable nobility, we owe much.

It has enriched our merchants and our tradesmen with the spirit and intelligence of a senate; and preserved the morality of our gentry from the enervating corruptions of a court.

Let us not disdain, then, but embody, our past history in our future progress! This is the way that a great people march on easily and naturally in the road to greatness.

Of old, the seer who sought in vain one of those mysterious luminaries he was accustomed to admire-said, "the star is not lost to mankind; but, attracted to some mightier orb, enriches with the effulgence that I miss-the splendours of a more glorious world : and so, on this pigmy earth-the institutions of one generation, when they apparently disappear, do but pass on to the next; and the great system of society is perpetually brightened by the systems it perpetually absorbs.

It is, my dear Sir, with a sincere friendship, that I subscribe myself,

Yours most faithfully,

HENRY LYTTON BULWER,

James Street, Buckingham Palace, October, 1835.

PREFACE.

A Salutation to all of you, friends and enemies, whom I have had as judges, and before whose tribunal I am once more to appear! Thanks to you who have seen any merit, more thanks to you who have seen 'any utility in the pages I have, with a deep humility, previously offered to the public. You will agree with me, I have little doubt, as to the imperfect manner in which my task has been fulfilled. You will agree with me also, I venture to trust, in acknowledging there was some difficulty attending its fulfilment.

To paint a country which, visiting every year, every person imagines that he knows-yet which, for the very reason perhaps that it is at their door, few persons have attentively examined-to be met first by the idea that you can say nothing new; and then by the prejudice against all you do say which is not old-to enter last into competition with deservedly distinguished writers, who have wielded the weapons of controversy with a grace and a tact which betray-what their judgment might have concealed-the sex they belonged to;* this was no easy labour to have accomplished with ordinary success; and most grateful am I for that which has been accorded me. There is something indeed in the nature of a work like the present, which furnishes in itself an excuse for its imperfections. On the one hand, the author is called upon to devote much industry and time to the collection of his materials; and this gives his efforts the effect of preparation and research. On the other hand, he is called upon to throw those materials into form with as much rapidity as possible, and this tarnishes his labours with the defects of negligence and haste. Oh reader, who is to be !-did you chance to hear that not long

* See Lady Morgan's France, and Miss Berry's State of Society in France and England.

since, a small island suddenly appeared on the coast of Sicily; instantly we planted our flag there, so, thank God! it is ours. But it as suddenly disappeared-yes; it is ours--but under the ocean; the sounding sea rolls over it again; and if we had delayed a moment, it would never have been added to our empire, no, never. Such, in some sort, is the shifting scene of life and politics before us, the condition and the fortune of states and of men. We must plant our standard quickly-at the moment-on that fleeting shore;-a minute, and it will be covered by the ever mounting sea, which has already risen over 5000 years.