made to Congress at the present session, and why should not the people see it? Let them see and judge. I will make no comments. sir, on this business; but I will say, that it is well known that at the time alluded to in those documents, an opposition to the laws and Government was organized. Mr. W. said he had full confidence in the truth of these documents, and he had therefore no disposition to keep them from his constituents. The House was in duty bound to give full publicity to these papers by printing them. Mr. PITKIN disavowed any intention to oppose the printing of these papers. Mr. GHOLSON said, it was a source of gratification to him, that, so far as the papers communicated by the President could be considered evidence at all, they were certainly highly honorable testimony in favor of the Eastern section of the Union. An emissary of great talents had been employed by the British in a nefarious scene to dismember the United States, and to engender treason in the very bosom of our country: and yet, Mr. G. said, it does not seem that this spy has been able to connect with himself any citizen of the United States. If he had held correspondence with any persons of distinction, the presumption is, their names would have been disclosed in the papers that have been read. Mr. G. was happy in cherishing the belief that the liberties of this country would always find a sufficient guarantee against machinations of this sort, in the patriotism of every portion of the Union. This communication, for which the House was indebted to the President, was highly interesting and important in one point of view. It demonstrated, as matter of fact, what had heretofore remained only speculation and conjecture, that the British Government has long meditated the separation of these States; and what is more, that they have actually attempted the execution of this wicked design, and have endeavored to convert our own citizens into traitors! He would say no more. Mr. QUINCY said, he was much obliged to the gentleman last up for the view which he had taken of the subject. It had struck him previously with much force, and he meant to have taken the floor to have expressed it. If ever there had existed in the British Government, or any other Government, an idea that there was a party in this country who would associate with it to dissolve this Union, he thanked God that the project was exposed. If it was true, as these papers stated, that this man had been so employed, he thanked God that the mission had been detected. The Administration, in bringing the subject before the House, had done worthily, and the subject ought to be inquired into. What is the fact, admitting all that this person has said to be true? Why, that an agent from the British | Government, under circumstances peculiarly auspicious and suitable to his purpose, goes to the spot which he represents as the hotbed of opposition, to stir up disunion, and his papers do not contain an intimation that he dared to mention MARCH, 1812. such an idea as that of a dissolution of the Union to any individual. No, sir; and I dare to say that he never did mention such a thing to any distinguished individual. As far as I know the sentiments of gentlemen in that quarter, they hold this Union dear, and look upon such a connexion as is supposed in these papers with as much abhorrence as any man, however attached he may be to the administration of the Government. Whenever a dismemberment of the Union has been talked of, it has been with awe, and with a fear that the present course of public measures would lead to such an event, and not with a view to bring it about. Sir, I know that other ideas have been spread over the country for the purpose of serving party views. But here, in this temple of our liberties, let us reason with one another according to the evidence before us. I rejoice that the subject has been brought forward, and that an agent so peculiarly adapted to the business in which he was employed has not been able to furnish any evidence of even the connivance of any individual at his mission. Mr. RHEA said, at the time he had made the motion for printing, he had not the least idea that any opposition would be made to it. He did not say whether these papers were true or not true; whether they attacked any people or not. He hoped, therefore, the discussion of these points would cease. It was no reason against the publication of these documents that they had been disclosed by a British agent. [The SPEAKER observed that no objection had been made by any gentleman to the printing.] All the transactions respecting Andre and Arnold had been printed, so far as the Congress could lay their hands on them; and why not these? If this man be a British spy or traitor, as he has been called, and what he states is not true, one thing is admitted: that the British are capable of employing persons of infamous character, by fabrications like these, to throw an odium on particular sections of the country. So that, on any view, this affair should be disclosed, if it were only to produce a firm union among the people. We all remember the publications of the period to which these papers refer, and the declarations then made; but all these would not induce me, at this moment, to say that all Mr. Henry says is true. This will be better understood when the committee shali make their report. Mr. SEYBERT moved to increase the number of copies proposed to be printed to 5,000. Mr. WRIGHT said, that such an extraordinary communication as that just received from the President, reflecting so much on various sections and parties of the Union, required serious consideration before they consented to publish such gross abuse of every portion of our people. Gentlemen should reflect that this very disclosure might be one of the means used by this miscreant to divide this country. If he wished to promote division, how could he better attain his object than by denouncing the people of a particular section? Who is this man, and where is he? is an inquiry that ought to be made. I am not one Senate Proceedings and Debates. Armstrong, bill for relief of-continued. read a third time, and passed Page. 321 Beall, Colonel William Dent, a bill from the Page. Army, a bill from the House of Representatives reported amended, and ordered to the third 238 read a third time, and passed Benton, Captain Selah, a bill from the House of Representatives for relief of correspondence in relation to the suspension - 2078 252 read twice and referred to a third reading 236 265 119 120 122 123 read a third time, and passed as amended 320 read a second time, and referred 171 172 209 210 Austin, Moses, and John R. Jones, on motion of 24 Boardman and Pope, and others, Mr. Lloyd pre- sented a petition of, referred to a commit- 161 105 319 86 130 163 223 173 report of inexpediency to grant 226 175 subject postponed indefinitely 235 Boundaries, a bill to authorize the President to ascertain several, read twice 163 200 166 167 E. Embargo, a confidential message from the Presi- a bill from the House of Representatives read a second time ordered to a third reading amended-read a a confidential message from the House of 187 187 188 189 191 168 on motion of Mr. Anderson, the injunction of secrecy was taken off, &c. - 192 Disability of Judges, a bill from the House of Re- presentatives in relation to the read a first time read a second time, and referred read a third time, and passed as amended |