FROM H. FAGEL TO JOHN ADAMS. [Translation.] Sir, Hague, October 18, 1787. I have had the honor of receiving duly your letter of the 1st instant, in which you have sent a memorial to their High Mightinesses on the subject of Mr. Dumas's situation. This memorial not being in French, as is the custom, but in English, could not be taken into formal deliberation; but as it has, nevertheless, been communicated to their High Mightinesses by me, I am authorized to write you, in answer, that by a note transmitted to me by said Dumas, dated the 28th of last month, and presented by me to their High Mightinesses the Lords Deputies of the Provinces of Holland and West Friesland, they have already been prayed to have an eye to the security of his person; that their High Mightinesses were unwilling that the said Dumas should be more embarrassed than any of their own inhabitants; but that they cannot conceal from you, sir, that the said Dumas little merits their protection, since he has conducted himself in a manner which, in many respects, is altogether improper. It is for this reason that, in the name of their High Mightinesses, I request you, sir, (a thing which is also expected from your discretion,) that you will employ him no longer here, but that you will appoint another person for Chargé d'Affaires here, during your absence. I acquit myself of these orders, in having the honor to be, &c., H. FAGEL. FROM JOHN ADAMS TO H. FAGEL. London, October 25, 1787. Sir, I have received the letter you did me the honor to write me on the 18th October instant, and am extremely sorry to learn that the conduct of Mr. Dumas has not the approbation of their High Mighti nesses. As Mr. Dumas has not, that I recollect, been employed in any business by me since my residence in England, and as he has neither given me any account of his proceeding, nor transmitted his despatches to Congress through my hands, I am ignorant of the particulars of his conduct which are not approved by their High Mightinesses. I have had so large experience of the friendship of their High Mightinesses to the United States of America, my sovereign, and of their candor and goodness towards myself, that I should not hesitate to comply with whatever I should know to be their inclination in any thing within my power, and consistent with my honor and my duty; but as all the authority by which Mr. Dumas acts under the United States is derived directly from Congress, and not from me, and as he carries on his correspondence with that august body by means of their Ministers at New York, and not with me, it is not in my power to do more at this time, in compliance with the requisition of their High Mightinesses signified to me in your letter, than to transmit a copy of it to Congress, which shall be done by the earliest opportunity. With great regard, &c., JOHN ADAMS. FROM JOHN ADAMS TO MR. DUMAS. London, October 25, 1787. Sir, I have received your letter of the 19th, and will transmit the enclosed to Mr. Jay; but as you have for these two years transmitted your despatches through other channels, it is most advisable you should continue the same course. Enclosed is a copy of a letter from Mr. Secretary Fagel, of the 18th of this month, in answer to my memorial written at your desire, and a copy of my answer of this day. The times are extremely critical, and American Ministers ought to be extremely cautious, (as you know ever was my maxim and principle, and ought now to be more so than ever,) to keep American affairs perfectly distinct and independent of those of all other nations, lest our country should be involved in calamities for causes that are not her own. With much esteem, &c., JOHN ADAMS. FROM JOHN ADAMS TO JOHN JAY. Grosvenor Square, November 15, 1787. Dear Sir, The attack upon Mr. Dumas is but a part of that system of intimidation that the present triumphant party in Holland is pursuing, and, if one were to conjecture, it would be plausible to suppose that Sir James Harris was the instigator of it. The English Court and nation, with all their affected contempt and rude execrations of the Dutch, have at the bottom a very great opinion of the importance of that power in the balance between England and the house of Bourbon. Hints have been several times thrown out in the English papers of the partiality of the American Minister at the Hague to France; and, as Mr. Dumas was supposed to be under my direction, his motions have been imputed to me. Mr. Dumas has a pension from France, reversible to his daughter. It would be better for Congress to pay this pension, at the expense of the United States, or to dismiss him from their service, (paying him, however, during his life, his annual allowance,) than to have a person in their service in the pay of two Powers at once. If an English Ambassador or Chargé d'Affaires, or agent, at the Hague, should receive from France a pension for opposing the interests of the United States, Congress would have some cause to be uneasy. I am not at all surprised, therefore, at the attack upon Mr. Dumas; yet I should be very sorry if it should prevail against him, and, therefore, it is to be hoped that Congress will take time to deliberate upon the subject. As there has been no formal deliberation of their High Mightinesses upon my memorial, and as the correspondence has been hitherto only between Mr. Fagel and me, although their High Mightinesses have been acquainted with it, and have directed it on the part of Mr. Fagel, yet Congress are not obliged formally to answer it. Sovereign to Sovereign, and Minister to Minister, is the diplomatic maxim. Congress, therefore, may take as long time as they please to deliberate; and it is hoped they will take so much that the present passions may cool, and the present scene be shifted. After another year, or six or nine months, circumstances may be very different. If we were to judge by the tone of arrogance at present in Holland, we should conclude that they would infallibly blow up a war between England and France, and join the former. But this, to me at least, is very doubtful. Notwithstanding the complaint against Mr. Dumas, and the recall of Mr. Van Berckel, if that should be agreed to, you will not find any hostile disposition towards the United States. If France remains quiet, (as she ought at present, for it is now too late for her to move,) all nations and parties will sit down satisfied with the restoration of the Stadtholder for some years, and there will be no formal rupture with France or America. England has blustered, and France has slept; but the former has at heart no inclination for war. Fifty millions of debt added to the present would produce a tornado in this country, the consequences of which cannot be computed. England, Holland, and Russia will be very glad to remain as they are, and France shows no disposition to disturb them. As I take all the late transactions to have been merely a system of intimidation, you will not hear of those rigorous prosecutions and cruel punishments of the Patriots in Holland, which are held out in terror. Neutrality, eternal neutrality, will still be the passion and politics in the United Provinces, both of Stadtholderians and Patriots. There are no warlike characters among them, and the present dominant party will be as anxious as their adversaries to avoid every provocation to a war, either with France or England. William the Vth is neither the politician nor the warrior that William the IIId was. An appearance of spirit, and even of arrogance, has been assumed in the Netherlands as well as in England, merely to overawe, and upon the secret presumption that they should not be forced into a war in earnest. This policy has succeeded so well that I cannot help suspecting there was better ground for it than the world in general were acquainted with. I know that the patriots in Holland (some of them at least) as long ago as Mr. Rayneval made his curious journey into that country, suspected that their ideas of liberty were not to be supported, and accordingly thought very seriously of emigrating to America. I do not mean, however, by this the capital characters. Money is, however, so much better understood, and more beloved than liberty, that you will not hear of many emigrants. The friends of France affect to speak slightly of Holland at present, and of her weight in the scale. This is necessary to excuse their inattention and blunders on the late occasion; but France never committed a greater error in policy than she has done by her unskilful negotiations at Berlin, the Hague, and London since the peace. If Holland should be forced into a revocation of her connexions with England, America, in my opinion, will have reason to regret it; for I have not a doubt that England, Holland, and Prussia would get the better in a war against the house of Bourbon, and America will be obliged to join the latter in self defence; for, after having humbled France, England would not scruple to attack the United States. That our country may act with dignity in all events; that she may not be obliged to join in any war without the clearest conviction of the justice of the cause, and her own honor and real interest, it is indispensably necessary that she should act the part in Holland of perfect independence and honest impartiality between the different courts and nations who are now struggling for her friendship, and who are all at present our friends. This has ever appeared to me so clear and obvious, that I never could approve the conduct of M. Dumas or Messieurs Van Staphorst, in taking so decided parts in favor of France, and against the Stadtholder, although I fully believe they followed the judgments of their understandings, and the inclinations of their hearts with integrity and honor. With great respect, &c., JOHN ADAMS. FROM LORD CAERMARTHEN, ENCLOSING COPIES OF A DECLARATION AND COUNTER-DECLARATION. LORD CAERMARTHEN presents his compliments to Mr. Adams, and has the honor to transmit to him, herewith, printed copies of a declaration and counter-declaration, signed at Versailles the 27th instant by his Excellency the Duke of Dorset, and Mr. Eden, on the part of his Majesty, and by Count Montmorin, on the part of his Most Christian Majesty; by which Lord Caermarthen has the satisfaction to communicate to Mr. Adams the earliest information of the determination of the two Courts to discontinue the armaments and warlike preparations on each side.* Whitehall, October 30, 1787. FROM JOHN ADAMS TO JOHN JAY. Grosvenor Square, November 30, 1787. Dear Sir, I do myself the honor to enclose the King's speech at the opening of Parliament, as it has been transmitted to me from the Marquis of * For the Declaration and counter-Declaration, see pp. 107-108. VOL. II.-52 |