have checked in no slight degree those sanguine views of a national conversion, on which the Pope and his advisers had, apparently, calculated. One attempt was made, but with very slight success, to combat the prevailing impression of the public, and to mollify the indignation which the Pope's measure had provoked. Dr. Wiseman appealed to the reason of the English people, in a long and elaborate address, in which he attempted to show that the substitution of an Episcopal hierarchy for the old organization of Vicars Apostolic, was a measure unconnected with any designs of aggression against the religious liberties of the English nation, and had been solely adopted, after mature consideration, and at the urgent desire of leading Romanists in England, for the more regular administration of the concerns of their own Church, and for the development of her ancient and acknowledged principles of rule and discipline. This document was marked by the skill and address of a practised controversialist, and contained an infusion of pointed sarcasms against some of the less popular features in the Anglican Church system, not ill calculated to create a diversion of opinion favourable to the writer's views. But although the talent and ingenuity of the composition

were generally acknowledged, its arguments failed to produce any impression whatever upon those to whom it was addressed. In fact, no sophistry could disguise the contrast, striking and palpable to all, between the style and tone of the two documents which, within a very short period, had issued from the same pen— between the grandiloquent "Pastoral" addressed to his own communion, in which the new Cardinal had magnified the late event as the recovery of a lost appanage to the Popedom, "England restored to its orbit in the ecclesiastical firmament," and the apologetic tone in which, addressing the Protestant people of England, the same individual extenuated the measure as a mere internal arrangement for the better spiritual government of that section of the population that owned allegiance to the Papal See.

With this brief account of the "Papal Aggression," and of the important national demonstration which resulted from it, we bring our narrative of the present year to a close. The further proceedings which followed in the train of this event will find a place in the next volume, where the subject will occupy no inconsiderable space in the Parliamentary records of the ensuing year.

Those employed in building, ground works, in the construction of the fortifications, the masons, stonecutters, &c., all reaped the fruit of their labour. At the end of each year some carried back to their country the money they had honourably and painfully earned, whilst others vested it in the savings'-banks, which, at the Revolution of February, contained 350,000,000f., accruing mostly from the profits of labour. The only case in which labour shares the fate of capital, is that of the absence of confidence, which produces a cessation of business and drains all the sources of public prosperity. The natural and regular element of labour lies in the intelligence of the merchant, who, at a period of public tranquillity, may combine his operations and foresee their results. That intelligence has manifested itself of late in a very striking manner. Mer chants, who had lost the fruits of long labour, and some of whom had arrived at an age when they had a right to think of repose, have been compelled, I may say, to recommence their career, and by their capacity, their energy, and the aid of the confidence inspired by the policy of the Government, have imparted fresh activity to business. All branches of trade, such as those connected with colonial produce, tissues of every description, articles of Parisian manufacture, of fashion and luxury, and others intended for exportation, are in full vigour. building trade, however, is still languishing, but we trust that it will also soon recover-thanks to the measures adopted by the Assembly and the Municipal Commission of the city of Paris."

The

The debates in the Legislative

Assembly this year, opened with a discussion on a Bill requiring two credits, amounting to 2,300,000f., for the payment of the subsidy due from France to the government of Monte Video. But the real question was, whether France should interfere more energetically in the long-standing quarrel between Buenos Ayres and Monte Video; and the general poliey of France on that subject, and her negotiations with General Rosas were brought under review; although there was no dispute as to the obligation upon the French Government to pay the subsidy.

The discussion was opened by M. Larrabure, a native of Buenos Ayres, in a speech advocating the interests of his birthplace; and M. Jules Lasteyrie followed on the same side. Admiral Lainé replied with attacks on General Rosas, and spoke strongly in favour of an expedition to drive him from the country he had invaded. M. Colas and M. de la Rochejaquelin succeeded the Admiral with speeches insisting on the necessity for action, to save French interests from destruction, and above all to save French honour from disgrace.

The Minister of Foreign Affairs, General de la Hitte, then stated at once, that it was the intention of the French Government to withhold its ratification of the treaty negotiated with Rosas by Admiral Le Prédour, as French honour and interest opposed the ratification. But while the treaty would not be ratified, the Government did not intend to accept the alternative of an expedition. The Committee on the Bill had put the alternative of peace or war— abandonment of the treaty or action; but the wisdom of the As

sembly might secure French interests without sacrificing French benour. Generai la Hitte briety dweit on the circumstances which had elapsed since the time when 4000 or 3000 men would have sufficed for the expedition to Monte Video. That city was then wealthy and populous: it had a custom-house revenue to supply it with resources and 40,000 inhabitants: to-day it is a ruined city: the foreigners have departed, and the diminished population surfers the misery of a place besieged for seven years. The Frenchmen there in June last were 4000, in September 3000, in October but 2200, at this hour still fewer: they are at Corrientes, at Entre Rios, and Buenos Ayres-where that Dictator spoken of with so little sympathy has offered them the hospitality and the security they needed. “If you wish," he said, to relieve Monte Video, I confidently declare that 10.000 men will be required." General de la Hitte proposed to follow the example of England, which, by Lord Palmerston's instructions. demanded some modification of Mr. Southern's treaty with Rosas, while approving of that treaty in the main. In like manner, the Minister for Foreign Affairs proposed to negotiate for a modification of the Prédour treaty, meanwhile taking measures to protect the French in La Plata.

M. Daru, the reporter of the Committee, dissented from the Minister's representation of what the Committee recommended. He said—“Do not ask to negotiate on the same conditions as hitherto. Do not ratify the treaty of Admiral Le Prédour. Choose between the absolute abandonment, which, in our opinion, is not the best course,

and an action of which you will determine the form and extent; for the tribune is not the fittest place to organize expeditions, and it is not my intention to suggest to you any project of the kind. .... I extremely regret not to concur completely in the opinion of the Minister for Foreign Affairs. Should he continue to negotiate as hitherto, I do not hesitate to tell him beforehand, those negotiations will be unavailing." M. Daru joined in the attack on Admiral Le Prédour's treaty, while he praised the Admiral himself.

The treaty," he said, “gives all to the enemy of France, and gains nothing for France herself; it gives ruin to Monte Video, and it surrenders French influence throughout South America."

After a variety of desultory speeches, and votes on previous questions, a vote was taken on the question whether the following amendment, moved by M. de Rancé, should be referred to the Committee

There is opened to the Ministers of Marine and War a credit of 10,000,000 francs, in order to support, by arms in case of need, the negotiations between the French and Argentine Republics."

This amendment was carried by a majority of 3-315 votes to 312. The result was, that the whole matter was referred again to the consideration of the Committee.

On the 2nd of January the Ministry received a severe check in the Assembly, by being reduced to a majority of one in carrying the question of "urgency," for the discussion of an important measure. This was an Education Bill introduced by the Minister of Instruction, which gave the Prefects of Departments power to dismiss

all communal schoolmasters. The discussion of the Bill was opposed, and the House divided on the question of urgency, when there appeared to be 312 for it, and 312 against it. The President therefore declared, that the votes being equal, the urgency was not declared. This announcement was received with great exultation by the Mountain, but their triumph was not complete, for after the Assembly adjourned, the ballots were again reckoned, when, in presence of three of the secretaries, it was discovered that there were 308 votes in favour of the urgency, and 307 against it, leaving a majority of one in favour of Go

vernment.

The necessity of some powerful control over the communal schoolmasters throughout France was made apparent by the publication of a variety of letters written by these instructors of youth to different persons, which were produced before the Committee of an arrondissement, and which revealed a frightful amount of unprincipled licentiousness amongst them. It seemed as though seduction and adultery were the ordinary amusements, and infidelity the creed, of many of the teachers to whom was confided the education of the youth. Well might the Journal des Débats, under the idea that the votes of the Assembly were equal, and that consequently the Government was defeated, exclaim -"On what question has the division arisen? Is it a political question? Is it a Ministerial or even a dynastic question, like those which were discussed some months ago? Alas! no, it is a question involving the general interests of the country and the security of the entire community.

The Assembly denies the Government the means of combating Socialism and anarchy."

The Government proceeded with their Bill, which gave rise to a lengthened discussion in the Assembly. In the debate on the 15th of January, M. Victor Hugo made a speech distinguished by its bitterness against the Roman Catholic clergy. He said-France should present a vast network of intellectual workshops, a group of gymnasiums, of colleges, and of libraries, without any solution of continuity. He wished that the heart of the people should be placed in constant communication with the brain of France. He was aware that the solution of the problem contained an important financial question, but if the hour had not been so advanced, he could have shown, by entering into details, that he perfectly understood it, and those who interrupted him would have been compelled to be silent. He should, however, now look at the question in its real point of view. He advocated freedom of instruction with the surveillance of the State, but by the State exclusively lay, as was understood and wished for by M. Guizot. He would not admit as the personification of the State any men who had an interest either of conscience or of policy distinct from national unity. He would not introduce into the councils of surveillance either bishops or delegates of bishops. He wished for the complete separation of Church and State, for that would tend to the interest of both. The present Bill would be nothing but one weapon more given to the clergy. The tendency of the Bill was to place the country in their hands. He was one of those who wished