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The King replied"Gentlemen,-I thank, with you, the Almighty, who has guided us in the way of honour. Having in view the honour and true interests of the nation, confiding, on the other hand, in the gracious sentiments of the Greek people, I persisted, as much as I could, in the defence of their rights. The wisdom and calm perseverance of the Greek people, which have procured for it the applause of Europe, and the expression of the Chamber of Deputies with respect to me, have completely justified the confidence which I had placed in it and in you, and are to me a source of consolation. I express to you, and through you to the whole nation, my thanks for the testimony of devotedness which it has given me, and my admiration of its noble conduct in these difficult circumstances. I am proud to reign over such a people."

Ultimately, in consequence of the deep umbrage taken by France at the conduct of Lord Palmerston in allowing Mr. Wyse to force terms upon Greece different from those which had been agreed to in the London Convention, the British Government consented to substitute for those clauses of the arrangement concluded at Athens on the 27th of April, which had not been yet executed, the corresponding stipulations of the Convention agreed to in London on the 19th of that month.

Before quitting the subject it is proper to notice the strong remonstrance addressed by Russia to the British Government, in consequence of our proceedings against Greece.

On the 19th of February Count Nesselrode wrote from St. Peters

burg to Baron Brunow, the Russian Minister in this country, a letter containing the following passages:

"Your Excellency will have some difficulty in forming an idea of the very painful impression produced on the mind of the Emperor by the unexpected acts of violence which the British authorities have just directed against Greece.

"Scarcely had the dangers to peace been averted to which the precipitate entry of Admiral Parker into the Dardanelles might have led, than the appearance of his squadron on the coast of Greece raises fresh dangers: as if it was sought gratuitously to cause complications to succeed complications in the East, and as if the peace of the West had not sufficient risks to run in a time of perfect peace, without even any notice of the intentions of the English Government having been given, the English fleet proceeds suddenly to place itself before the capital of Greece. Admiral Parker, after being received in a friendly manner by King Otho, assumes the very next day towards this Sovereign a threatening attitude. In one night, unimportant claims which had been treated of for years, some of which were already about being settled, are changed into an imperious ultimatum. The English Minister declares that these claims are no longer to be discussed, or to be examined as to their justice or injustice, but that they must be satisfied fully within the term of twenty-four hours, and after the expiration of these twentyfour hours, the Greek Government not having been able to bring itself to submit to such humiliating conditions, the blockade of the coast

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Breast the be me ve Beter ence had been made u them sere n. times between Lori Falmersun and us, and we remember part onlarly that in 1947, daring the life and administration of M. Coletti, the English Cabinet was on the point, at one time, of taking measures on this subject against The Greek Administration. But as since then a long period of time has elapsed without mention being any more made to us of this, and that a number of objects more important appeared to call elsewhere the attention of England, we were far from suspecting that the settlement of this question could suddenly appear so urgent. It before resorting to the ultima

has been adopted, the Government had apprised patience was exhausted;

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Sreece. Russia and France bert of this when the misof us dine.

The representatives of the Towers at Athens took immeEasters to interpose in favour of the Greek Government their god Bees, which the Envoy of England twice refused to accept, saning that he could not admit the attrition of the two Powers in a question which did not concern them. We, in our turn, M. le Baron. must refuse to admit such a negative plea. Greece is not an isolated State, owing its existence and depending on itself alone, Greece is a State created by Russia and France, under the same right and the same conditions as it has been created by England. The three Powers established it together. Together they fixed its limits and its form of government. They have mutually agreed to respect its independence, to maintain its integrity, to strengthen the dynasty which they have placed on the throne; and there

fore one of the parties cannot be entitled to undo this collective work, to attack its independence, to destroy its integrity, to shake this dynasty by humiliating it before the world, and to disturb the tranquillity of the country by exposing it, on the mere appearance of a threatening fleet, to the attempts of the factious, and perhaps to a civil war. Independently of the sentiments of goodwill which they bear to Greece, Russia and France have a material interest in maintaining her tranquillity. They have lent her money, which they as well as England are entitled to recover, and they cannot see with indifference that the State which is their debtor should, in consequence of the interdict applied to its navigation and commerce, be led to incur, on account of the defensive measures thus forced upon it, losses and expenses which must of course render it less able than ever to meet its pecuniary obligations; they have therefore a right, at least, to take cognizance of a dispute which may cause them such great inconvenience, and to look upon this affair, whatever the British Envoy may say, as not only English but also Russian and French.

"This is applicable to the claims in favour of English subjects, or protected subjects, which the Cabinet of London makes against Greece; claims which it has only stated to us generally, and which the more detailed information that we have received from the adverse party does not show to be devoid of some exaggeration, but the amount and object of which do not certainly bear any proportion to the severity of the means employed to enforce them;

but more particularly does this refer to what regards the two little islands contiguous to the Hellenic continent, which England now claims as appertaining to the Ionian Islands. This is a territorial question of which Russia and France had certainly the right to be previously informed. Ever since they fixed, in accordance with England, the limits of the territory of Greece, and since they, also in accordance with England, guaranteed to Greece the possession of the same, they have a right to demand by what title England, after this definition of limits, which already dates eighteen years back, considers herself authorized to resettle them by her own authority alone, and to assume to herself a part of that territory, however small and unimportant. We should, therefore, have to protest solemnly against the pretensions of the English Government to decide this question arbitrarily, without the consent and the participation of the two Cabinets who likewise signed the treaty defining the territorial limits of Greece.

"The Emperor charges you, M. le Baron, to address on this subject serious representations to the English Government, to urge them, in the most pressing manner, to hasten the cessation of a state of things at Athens which nothing justifies or necessitates, and which exposes Greece to losses as well as to dangers, out of all reasonable proportion to the claims made against her. The reception which may be given to our representations may have considerable influence on the nature of the relations we are henceforth to expect from England,―let me add, on the position towards all the Powers,

PAL & SOL CLOS DIAS EXTORES well as from all community of acretion, and to authorize all great

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see whether Powers, on every fitting opportunity to recognise towards the weak no other rule but their own sure will, no other right but their own HARTLAWAL Kysical strength.

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CHAPTER XI.

PIEDMONT AND SARDINIA.-Address of the Senate in answer to Speech from the Throne-Question of Exemption of Ecclesiastics from the jurisdiction of Secular Tribunals-The Siccardi Laws-Contumacious conduct of the Archbishop of Turin-He is arrested and sentenced to fine and imprisonment-Denial of the Sacraments to M. Santa RosaConsequences of this-Second arrest of the Archbishop-He is tried and sentenced to banishment- The Archbishop of Cagliari also banished. DENMARK.-Renewal of hostilities between Denmark and the Duchies of Schleswig and Holstein in 1849-Terms of Convention of 10th of July, 1849, between Denmark and Prussia-Opening of Session of Danish Chambers-Question of renewal of Armistice between Denmark and the Duchies of Schleswig and Holstein-Treaty of Peace between Denmark and the Germanic Confederation concluded at Berlin-Manifesto of the King of Denmark-Exchange of Ratifications of Treaty-Hostile attitude of the Duchies--Proclamation by the Stadtholders-Letter from the Prussian Foreign Secretary-Proclamation by the King of Denmark-The Danish Army enters Schleswig-Renewal of hostilities— Battle of Idstedt, and Victory of the Danes-Further operations of the Campaign-Failure of Attack on Friederichstadt by General WillisenOffer of mediation by Prussia-The Federal States order a cessation of hostilities-General Willisen resigns his command—Final termination of the War.

ON

N the 5th of January, the Sardinian Senate voted, by a majority of 45 to 7, the following address in answer to the Speech from the Throne:

"Sire,―The harmony fortunately existing between the Prince and his people is a fact of ancient date in the Monarchy of Savoy. The interests of the nation were ever sacred to the Prince. The people loved a monarchy, whose aim it was to improve the moral and physical condition of the country, to maintain its independence and guard its honour. This fact, which is rare in the history of nations, will, we are assured, never cease to subsist. Nay, we are convinced that the constitutional system, happily in

troduced by the magnanimous Charles Albert, will offer the people more frequent opportunity of confirming it; and already, among other proofs of affection, your Majesty justly reminds us of the electors who hastened in numbers to answer your appeal, in order to take a part in one of the most important acts of political life-the election of deputies. The confidence of the nation is worthily placed in you, Sire, who with such intense affection and determined will have united your destiny with ours. You Majesty may rely upon meeting with the same harmony in the deliberations of Parliament, which will be carried on with the conscientious sincerity which forms

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