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business. The apprehension of giving new matter to those who endeavor to blame Congress is a new motive for me to be silent. I beg only to remind this honorable body of the aforesaid information and reflections, and particularly of those which I had the honor to deliver in an assembly similar to the present. I shall only insist on a single point, which I established then and since, in one of my Memorials, namely, the manifest and striking necessity of enabling Spain, by the determination of just and moderate terms, to press upon England with her good offices and bring her mediation to an issue, in order that we may know whether we are to expect peace or war. This step is looked upon in Europe as immediately necessary. It was the proper object of the message I delivered in February last. I then established the strong reasons, which require that at the same time, and without delay, proper terms should be offered to his Catholic Majesty, in order to reconcile him perfectly to the American interest. I did not conceal, that it was to be feared, that any condition inconsistent with the established system of the alliance, which is the binding and only law of the allies, and contrary to the line of conduct, which Spain pursued in the course of her mediation, would lead her to drop the mediation, and prevent his Catholic Majesty, by motives of honor and of faithfulness, from joining in our common cause, and from completing the intended triumvirate. No loss, no unhappy event, could be so heavy upon the alliance as this. Indeed, although the British forces are already kept in check by the combined efforts of France and America, it is nevertheless evident, that the accession of Spain can only give to the alliance a decided superiority, adequate to our purposes,

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and free us from the fatal chance, that a single unlucky event may overthrow the balance.

The committee then taking notice of what the Minister had said concerning a tacit assurance of the independence of these States, and the reluctance of the King of Great Britain to make an express acknowledgment thereof, requested to know his sense concerning the manner in which such tacit assurance could be given. To which, he premising that what he should now say ought to be considered only as his private sentiments, replied, that the British Court would probably endeavor to avoid an express acknowledgment, by imitating precedents, that had occurred in Europe on similar occasions, instancing the cases of the Swiss cantons, and the United Provinces of the Netherlands; that the mode adopted in the latter case had been for the Archduke, to whom the King of Spain had transferred his right of sovereignty, to treat with them "as with free and independent States." And that with respect to the cantons, France had not been able to obtain for them in the treaty, of Munster any other than a declaration, that they should be in possession of as full liberty and exemption from the empire, and be in no manner subject to the jurisdiction thereof. But that in his opinion the circumstances of these States, and the manner in which they had conducted their opposition, would justify their expecting a more full declaration.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, July 26th, 1779.

Sir,

The Minister Plenipotentiary of France has received with gratitude the permission, which the Congress of the United States has been pleased to grant him, for the expedition of the ship Defence. His Court will be very sensible of the regard, which Congress have been pleased to pay to the situation of the vessels of war stationed at Cape François.

The said Minister takes the liberty of reminding Congress of the request, which he made in one of his Memorials, dated the 5th of this month, relative to the accusations, which have been made before the whole House, of frauds which were thought to have been practised with regard to the cargo of the ship Defence, and of other vessels loaded with provisions for the French squadron. The undersigned has, by writing, on the 17th of this month, urged the committee intrusted with this verification, to be pleased to hasten its report, and he takes the liberty of addressing the same request to the Congress of the United States itself. Congress is also referred to the reflections contained in his said Memorial of the 5th instant.

GERARD.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, July 26th, 1779.

Sir,

The Minister Plenipotentiary of France has received the resolution of Congress, dated the 15th of this month, in relation to the supplies of provisions destined for the squadron of the King. He requests Congress to accept his thanks for the measures, which have been taken to effect this important object. He is only under the necessity of representing, that no one of the officers of the King can, and that no American citizen will, take it upon himself to receive and take care of the provisions destined for this purpose. The unjust and arbitrary proceedings, to which they have been exposed, terrify them, and the undersigned is obliged to request Congress to leave the said provisions in their own magazines, and in the hands of their own officers, till the time of making use of them arrives. This request has more particular reference to the flour taken from Wilmington, and which has become the direct property of Congress by the transfer of it, which the undersigned made to Congress in one of his latest Memorials.

GERARD.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, July 26th, 1779.

Sir,

The Minister Plenipotentiary of France has the honor to lay before the Congress of the United States of Amer

ica the sequel of the proceedings inserted in the public papers against M. Holker, Consul of the King, and his Majesty's general Navy Agent. The first part of these same proceedings is already in the hands of this august Assembly. The Minister of France intended merely to lay the facts before them, and to leave to their wisdom to determine the measures, that they should judge proper for putting an end to this offence; but the late unjust, injurious, and incompetent proceedings, which have been carried on against a public officer of the King in relation to the exercise of his functions, the further dangers with which he is threatened, the indirect consequences, which already result from them to the representative of his Majesty, and those which may result more directly from the sentiments and principles which are manifested, do not permit the Minister any longer to observe the same moderation.

Congress have received the credentials of the undersigned Minister in the name of all the United States. They have accepted, and invested with their authority the other officers of his Majesty. It consequently belongs to Congress to protect them against the attacks, which may be made in their persons on the dignity of his Most Christian Majesty, and the laws common to all nations governed by the laws of police, relative to the free exercise of their functions. Congress is too enlightened to need a comment upon the insulting writings, which the Minister lays before them. He merely requests them to take into consideration the contents of the letter, which the said Minister has written to the President of the Executive Council of Pennsylvania, as well as that which the Consul of the King has addressed to him. Copies of them are annexed. He is persuaded that Congress will have the less hesitation to

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