The following Statement shows the number of Men retained by the Chiefs, who have reservations made them, at their respective Villages :Blount, 43; Cochran, 45; Mulatto King, 30; Emathlochee, 28; Econchatimico, 38; Nea Mathla, 30; Total 214.

Now, therefore, be it known, that I, James Monroe, President of the United States of America, having seen and considered the said Treaty, do, in pursuance of the advice and consent of the Senate, as expressed by their Resolution of the 23d of last month, accept, ratify, and confirm the same, and every Clause and Article thereof, with the exception of the 10th Article of said Treaty.

In testimony whereof, I have caused the Seal of The United States to be hereunto affixed, having signed the same with my hand.

Done at the City of Washington, this 2nd day of January, 1824, and of the Independence of The United States the forty-eighth. By the President;

JOHN QUINCY ADAMS, Secretary of State.

JAMES MONROE.

PROCLAMATION of the Governor-General of India, relative to the War with the Burmese. Fort William, March 5, 1824.*

BY THE RIGHT HON. THE GOVERNOR-GENERAL IN COUNCIL. The conduct of the Burmese having compelled the British Government te have recourse to arms in support of its rights and honour, The GovernorGeneral in Council hereby notifies, that the Government of Ava is placed in the condition of a Public Enemy, and that all British Subjects, whether European or Native, are prohibited from holding any communication with the People of that State, until the differences now unhappily existing shall be terminated.

The Governor-General in Council deems it proper to take this opportu nity of publicly declaring the Causes that have led to hostilities with a State, between which and the Hon. East India Company a friendly intercourse has long subsisted, to the great advantage of both Parties, and with which the British Government has invariably sought to cultivate and maintain relations of amity.

During many years past, the Burmese Officers governing the Country contiguous to our south-east Frontier, have, from time to time, been guilty of acts of encroachment and aggression, which the British Government would have been fully justified in repelling by Force.

Solicitous, however, to preserve with all Nations the relations of Peace, the British Government has considered it to be, in an especial manner, its duty to make large allowances for the peculiar circumstances and character of the Burmese Government and People. The consciousness of its power to repel and punish aggression has strengthened the motives of forbearance towards a Nation removed, by their geographical situation, from the immediate circle of our political relations, and with whom (as we have no opposing interests) the Supreme Government sought only to maintain a com

*Calcutta Government Gazette.

mercial intercourse on terms of equality and freedom, conducive to the welfare and prosperity of both Countries.

So long therefore, as the aggressions of which the British Government had to complain, could be treated as the unauthorized acts of the subordi nate Officers of the Burman Government, and could be tolerated consistently with the National honour and security of the British Territories, the Supreme Government sedulously endeavoured to preserve unimpaired the existing relations of peace and friendship, notwithstanding provocations which would have fully justified, and from a State more formidable in position and resources would have imperiously demanded, a resort to Arms. Trusting that the motives of its conciliatory demeanor could not have been misunderstood, the British Government persuaded itself that the Government of Ava, however extravagant in its pretensions, must have been no less desirous than Ourselves to maintain a friendly intercourse so profitable to that Country, and could not but be sensible that as our moderation was founded on a consciousness of our strength, and, on a general desire to preserve the blessings of peace, so our forbearance would not be carried beyond the limits where it ceased to be compatible with the safety of our Subjects, the integrity of our Dominions, and the honour of our Country.

Unhappily, these expectations have been disappointed. The Burmese Government, actuated by an extravagant spirit of pride and ambition, and elated by its conquests over the petty Tribes by which it is surrounded, has ventured to violate the British Territories, to attack and slay a Party of British Sepoys, to seize and imprison British Subjects, to avow extensive schemes of mischievous aggression, and to make hostile preparations on our Frontier, that leave no doubt of its intention to execute its insolent and unjustifiable threats.

In prosecution of a groundless Claim to the Island of Shapuree, the Burmese Chiefs of Arracan, in a time of profound Peace, and without any previous attempt at Negotiation on the part of their Government, attacked, under cover of Night, a small guard of British Troops, stationed on that Island for purposes of Police, and drove them from their Post with loss of several lives. No answer has been returned by the Court of Amerapoora to the demand of explanation and atonement, which it was of course the duty of the British Government instantly to prefer; but which was made in the same spirit of conciliation which had always characterized our communications with the Court of Ava. On the contrary, the Burmese Local Authorities have distinctly declared the determination of their Sovereign to invade the British Dominions, unless their groundless Claim to Shapuree is unequivocally admitted.

Subsequently to the attack on the Island of Shapuree, the Commanding Officer and several of the Crew of the Hon. Company's Schooner Sophia were insidiously enticed on Shore, and carried into the interior, by the order of Commissioners especially deputed to Arracan by the Burmese Court, and although subsequently released, they have been sent back without any explanation or apology for the insulting outrage.

The Burmese Generals on the north-east have at the same moment advanced their Troops into the Country of Cachar, and occupied a Post within only five miles of the Frontier of Sylhet, notwithstanding that they were dis

tinctly warned by the British Authorities in that Quarter, that the petty State of Cachar was under the protection of the British Government, and that the movement of their Troops must be regarded as an act of hostility to be repelled by Force. In both quarters the Burmese Chiefs have publicly declared their determination to enter the British Territories in pursuit of alleged Offenders against the Government of Ava, and have avowed intentions of open hostility as the alternative of our refusing to comply with their unjust and utterly inadmissible pretentions.

Whilst occupying their threatening position on the British Frontier, the Burmese Generals planned moreover the conquest of Jynteea, another Chiefship, situated similarly with Cachar, in regard to the District of Sylhet, and which having formerly been restored by the British Authorities to the Family of the Reigning Rajah, after a temporary convulsion, had been more distinctly recognized as a Dependency of Bengal. They called on the Rajah to acknowledge submission and allegiance to the King of Ava, and a demonstration was actually made to enter his Territory, when the advance of the British Troops frustrated the execution of their hostile design.

The deliberate silence of the Court of Amerapoora, as well as the combination and extent of the operations undertaken by its Officers, leave it no longer doubtful that the acts and declarations of the subordinate Authorities are fully sanctioned by their Sovereign, and that that haughty and barbarous Court is not only determined to withhold all explanation and atonement for past injuries, but meditate projects of the most extravagant and unjustifiable aggression against the British Government.

The Governor-General in Council, therefore, for the safety of our Subjects, and the security of our Districts, already seriously alarmed and injured by the approach of the Burmese Armies, has felt himself imperatively called on to anticipate the threatened Invasion. The National honour no less obviously requires that atonement should be had for wrongs so wantonly inflicted and so insolently maintained, and the National interests equally demand that we should seek by an appeal to Arms that security against future insult and aggression which the arrogance and grasping spirit of the Burmese Government have denied to friendly expostulation and re.

monstrance.

With these views and purposes, the Governor-General in Council has deemed it an act of indispensable duty to adopt such measures as are necessary to vindicate the honour of the British Government, to bring the Burmese to a just sense of its character and rights, to obtain an advantageous adjustment of our Eastern Boundary, and to preclude the recurrence of similar insult and aggression in future.

Still animated by a sincere desire for peace, and utterly averse from all purposes of aggrandisement, the Governor-General in Council will rejoice if the objects above mentioned can be accomplished without carrying the War to extremities. But to whatever length the conduct of the Burmese Government may render it necessary to prosecute hostilities, his Lordship in Council relies with confidence on the justice of our Cause, on the resources of the Government, and on the approved valour of our Troops, for the early and successful termination of the contest.

By command of The Right Honorable the Governor-General in Council, GEO. SWINTON, Sec. to the Government.

DECREE of The King of The Netherlands, respecting the Duties payable on Articles imported in British Vessels.

Decree of the 11th of August, 1824.—Published in anticipation of the measures contained in a Commercial Treaty, respecting the Importation Duties on Articles carried in Vessels under English Colours.

WE, by the Grace of God, William, King of The Netherlands, &c. &c. &c. on the Report of our Minister for Foreign Affairs, of the Colonies and National Industry, of our Counsellor of State, the Administrator of Duties and Excise, concerning the Negotiation of a reciprocal Commercial Treaty entered into in London, cause the following Resolutions to be made known. Resolved,

1st. That after the date of the 14th of the present Month, all Articles which shall be conveyed to Our Ports, from The United Kingdom of Great Britain, in Vessels bearing the Colours of that Natiou, shall henceforth be subject to the same Duties, as if carried by Ships belonging to Holland.

This Order first to be considered definitive when the before-mentioned Treaty shall be concluded.

2nd. This equalization of the Duties shall not extend to those Articles which, imported in our own Ships, are particularly favoured, either by the Laws, or by the Tariff, of the in and out Port Duties.

Our Ministers, Council, and Administrator before mentioned, are charged with the execution of the present Decree, of which Copies shall be addressed to Our Minister of Finance, as also to the General Accountant's Bureau, and likewise be inserted in the State Gazette.

Given at Gravenage, the 11th of August, 1824, in the 11th Year of Our Reign.

By The King.

WILLIAM.

J. G. de MEIJ VAN STREEFKERK, Secretary of State.

DECREE of The King of Portugal, annulling the Constitution of 1822, and appointing a Junta to prepare a Projet of a Fundamental Law for the Monarchy.*

(Translation.)

CONSIDERING that the Constitution of 1822, founded upon vain theories, incompatible with the ancient habits, opinions, and necessities of the Portuguese People, far from accomplishing the end announced by its Authors, was contradictory to the Monarchical Principle, therein apparently sanctioned, improper to conciliate and maintain the Rights and Interests of the different Classes of the State, and incapable of producing the union of the minds of all the Citizens; I have judged proper to accede to the general and spontaneous wishes of the Nation, now convinced by sad experience of the sinister designs of the disorganizing Faction, and hereby to declare, by Right, null and void, that Constitution which hadalready been acknowledged to be impracticable and absurd.

Fulfilling, however, the dearest sentiments of my Royal Heart, and the sincere promises which I made in my Proclamations: and desiring to pro

* Gazeta de Lisboa, 25th June, 1823.

mote efficaciously the happiness of my Faithful Subjects by means of Institutions, which may, on the one hand, restore to the Throne, upon which Divine Providence has placed Me, the greatness and consideration belonging thereto, and on the other hand may guaranty to the Portuguese the firmness and consistency of their Individual Rights; and considering that the ancient Fundamental Law of the Monarchy, cannot, as formerly, fully answer the ends which I have conceived in my paternal mind, unless the same be accommodated to the actual state of Civilization, to the mutual relations of the various component parts of the Portuguese Monarchy, and to the form of the Representative Governments established in Europe,—it is my will to create a Junta charged to prepare the Projet of a Charter of the Fundamental Law of the Portuguese Monarchy, trusting that the said Junta will apply themselves with the most assiduous and serious attention to discharge this most important object entrusted to them, and that they will, with the least possible delay, submit for my Royal approbation, the New Charter of Fundamental Law, which, regulated by the sound principles of Public Right, may establish in perfect harmony, the exercise of the Supreme Power, and the permanent legal security of the People, opening the paths which are to conduct the Public Administration through successive improvements to the degree of perfection compatible with human Institutions, and which may at once fix the future destinies and the prosperity of the Portuguese Monarchy. The above-mentioned Junta will be composed of fourteen Members, named in the List accompanying this Decree, signed by Manuel Ignacio Martins Pamplona Corte Real, of my Council, Ministro Assistente ao Despacho, and will be presided over by the Conde de Palmella, of my Council, Minister and Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs.

Palace of Bemposta, 18th June, 1823.

WITH HIS MAJESTY'S SIGN MANUAL.

PROCLAMATION of The King of Portugal, issued in consequence of the Political Events at Lisbon of the 30th April,

1824.*

(Translation.) Portuguese! Your King does not abandon you; on the contrary, He only wishes to deliver you from the terror and anxiety which oppress you, to restore Public Safety, and to remove the veil which yet conceals the truth from you, in the certainty that at His voice, all this Loyal Nation will unite together to support the Throne; and that the shock of opinions and of excited passions, will cease, which the most fatal Anarchy has lately produced, threatening the total extinction of the Government.

My Son, the Infant Don Miguel, who, so short a time since, had covered himself with glory by the heroic action which he undertook, is the same who, now impelled by sinister suggestions, and deceived by traitorous Counsels, has ventured to commit acts, which, were they even just and necessary, ought to have emanated from my Sovereign Authority alone, thus aiming against the Regal Power, which cannot admit of being divided.

At the dawn of day on the 30th of April, all the Troops in the Capital appeared under Arms, and my Son was seen to quit my Royal Palace in * Gazeta de Lisboa, 10th May, 1824.