carry life, fertility, and vigour, to all its most remote or minute branches. From such a complication of causes there must naturally result many grievances, which cannot be redressed by any positive Institution. Of this we have a satisfactory, or rather, (because such a circumstance cannot be satisfactory) an indisputable evidence in the proceedings, lately set on foot, in that country, by the patriots and land proprietors, with respect to tythes. Those very public spirited and disinterested gentlemen would fain persuade us, that the great hardships of the people of Ireland, arise solely from the operation of tythes. But they do not seem to be aware, that the clergyman's property, in tythes, rests upon as valid a title in law, and upon a much stronger ground in reason, than their property in their respective patrimonies; and one cannot help pitying the fatuity, with which they are endeavouring to sap the foundation of their own titles to their possessions, by decrying or weakening titles, which are founded upon precisely the same authority. I do not, nor can I, deny, that the operation of tythes in Ireland is a griev.ance; but, I still do contend, that with all the vexations attending their collection, they form but a very small portion of the oppression, under which the great body of the people of that country labours. Yet, I would ask, how it has happened, that those very patriotic gentlemen, in descanting upon the hardships of tythes, have uniformly connected them with the clerical establishment. They could not be ignorant, that one-third of the tythes of Ireland is in the hands of lay impropriators, and it was in fairness due to that most respectable body, the clergy of Ireland, that they should state, how far the exactions of those Jay proprietors kept pace with, or fell short of, the rates levied, on behalf of the clergy. The fact is, that, in all times, the church and the clergy have been a most abundant theme of ridicule and obloquy to unprincipled witlings and hollow po-liticians. A short lived popularity would be the consequence of overthrowing the church establishment, but if the mass of the people were to be admitted to a participation of the plunder, they would not easily be induced to respect that popularity, if it interfered with the pursuit of similar game. I would not be understood here to insist, that tythes ought to be continued in their present shape in Ireland: on the contrary, it is my firm conviction, that the country would derive most important benefits from a fair commutation ; and, I am equally persuaded, that the clergy 1 would be gainers by any arrangement, that would give them an adequate compensation for their property in tythes. My object has been not to justify grievance, but to repel aggression. It has been a favourite practice with the landed proprietors of Ireland, to cast a veil over their own exactions, by drawing the whole attention of the public to their misrepresentations of those of the clergy. As the subject will certainly be discussed in parliament next session, it becomes the duty of every man who is anxious for the tranquillity and welfare of that country, to illustrate it with all the light which his experience can supply. With this view the present communication is addressed to you, Sir, and, if you should deem it worthy of insertion, it shall be followed by others in succession, on the same subject, and to the same purpose; which, however deficient they may be, in stile or mauner, will cer tainly possess the merit of excluding all matter, but what is founded on unexceptionable authority, or bottomed upon the personal experience and observation of, Sir, yours, &c. -VINDEX.London, December 14, &c. 1907. OFFICIAL PAPERS. (Continued from p. 64.) JAMAICA.-Resolutions, passed unanimously by the House of Assembly, on the 29th of Oct. 1807, relative to the distressed stale of the Colony, and especially to the Aboli tion Act, passed by the lust Parliament. What has been long known and felt here, has been lately fully proved be fore a Committee of the House of Commons, that, from the operations of the causes which we have only briefly adverted to, the great staple of the British West In dies, sugar, does not sell in the markets of the mother country for the duties, with the expences and charges of sending it there.And that, with the exception of a few plan. tations on a very large scale, or under circumstances peculiarly fortunate, no revenue whatever is left to the planter, for the support of his family, or the satisfaction of his creditors. The committee need hardly represent that the only permanent source of taxation must be the clear revenue of the individuals composing the society, who give up a proportion of it to the general use, and for the common safety, in whatever manner that proportion may be raised. (To be continued.) Printed by Cox and Baylis, No. 75, Great Queen Street, and published by R. Bagshaw, Brydges Sheet, Covent Garden, where former Numbers may be had; soll also by F. Budd, Crown and Miue, Pal Mall. VOL. XIII. No. 4.] LONDON, SATURDAY, JANUARY 23, 1808. George Rose, Secretary of the Treasury, under the late minister, Pit, states, in a paraphlet, entitled A Brief **Examinan on into the Increase of the Revenue, Commerce, &c." that the whole of the voluntary coatnbutions in France amounted to but "a trific more than the free gift of an English manufacturer to the Volunta"Contribuuons for carrying on the last war" by which war commeice was incressed instead of dimi nished, the single subscription of which manufacturer, in one payment at the Bal of England, was * 10,000 i." The writer adds, that be "feels infinite satisfaction in publishing to the world the name of ** Robert Puole, Esq. of Bury, Lancashire, who thus exalted the national character." The writer does, however, omit to state, that, in a very few months after this free gift was made, to the exaltation of the caronal character, the said English manufacturer was created a Baronet. 971 SUMMARY OF POLITICS. PEACE- It appears, that, within these few days, the sort of pacific ogling, that had been going on for some time, between France and us, has been put an end to. But, a publication, in the French official paper, "the Moniteur," of the 7th instant, does, in an indirect way, let us know what are the views and Intentions of Napoleon with respect to peace.- -This publication is a commentary upon the king of England's Declaration, issued in answer to that of the Emperor of Russia; and, through this channel, we are given to understand, that a formal recognition, on our part, of the Liberty of the Seas," will not be insisted upon, at the ensuing peace. This way of conveying his sentiments to us, and of letting us know his intentions, is, to say the least of it, unworthy of the man who calls himself, and who really is, the conqueror and lawgiver of Europe.I look upon no other part of the commentary as being of any importance. I care not what he says of, or what he does to. Prussia or Russia or Austria or Hanover or any other of the countries of Germany or Italy. I leave the disputes about the treaty of Tilsit and Lord Lauderdale's mission to be settled by those, who think that reasoning about rights and wrongs has any thing to do with the termination of our war with France. I see, in Napoleon, a man who has conquered the continent of Europe; whose mind is firmly bent upon the conquest of this kingdom; who was in hopes of being able so to embarrass us, as to induce us to give up those maritime rights, without exercising which it is impossible that we should resist his power for any length of time; who has now perceived, that he cannor, at present, frighten us into a formal surrender of those rights; and who has, therefore, taken the circuitous way, above. mentioned, to let us know, that he will not now insist upon that point.—Let us now take the part of the paper, which relates to this matter. It comes after a quotation from hat part of the Declaration of the king, 66 wherein he says, that he will, in spite of all combinations against him, assert those rights, the exercise of which has maintained the maritime power of England. Upon this passage it is, that the Moniteur makes the following remarks. "That which bas "maintained the maritime power of Eng"land has not been tyrannical principles or "maxims, but the policy, the energy, the good sense, and the prudent conduct of your ancestors, it is the divisions which they have often had the address to scatter on the continent. That which will es"sentially contribute to its destruction is "the thoughtlessness, precipitancy, vio"lence, and silly arrogance of their successors. The Emperor of Russia wishes for a mariume peace. Austria, France, and Spain participate in these sentiments. "You have declared that the negociation "with France was only broken off upon "points affecting the interests of Russia." "Wherefore, then, we again ask, do you "continue the war? Why, it is because 66 66 you do not wish for peace."Let ps imitate the Moniteur, and dispatch as we proceed. "Tyrannical principles" is a phrase of doubtful meaning, in this case; because, what you call tyrannical, we do not; and, while we thank you for the just applause, which you bestow upon our ancestors, we must insist, that it is merited, only because they held, and resolutely acted upon what you are pleased to call " tyrannical principles;" for, from the time that this country bore the name of England, it claimed a right of sea dominion, as absolute as that which any sovereign, or state, has upon the land; and, the fault, nay, the crime, of their descendants has been, that they have, step by step, receded from this claim, placing England, in respect to maritime rights, upon the same footing with the other states of Europe, yielding, by little and little, to the newfangled code of maritime laws, hatched in the universities of Germany, by the professors pensioned by Denmark, Russia, France, and Holland. Our 66 cept when you are at war with a maritime power; but in that case each government has the right and power to consider the first violation of its flag as an act of hostility The circumstances in which you will then find yourselves will deter"mine your conduct then. If it is with "France that you are at war, you will not judge her a power sufficiently feeble to "render it indifferent to you whether you "draw other enemies upon you, and you "will shew some consideration for the rest "of Europe. You did not venture to in"sult the flags of every power, till you had "the address to arm all the continent against France. It was then your mari"time principles were-changed; and they became more unjust and more violent, in proportion as your continental connec"tions became more contracted, or your al"lies maintained with more difficulty the "struggle in which you had engaged them. "He was thus that when Russia was obliged "to collect all her force against the French "in Poland, you violated her flag, and re"fused her, in respect to her commercial "treaty, concessions which you shewed ancestors," of whose policy, energy, ritime laws. Well, then! This opposi" and good sense" you speak, would havetion of principles will not be an impedimade war for their whole life long, rather "ment to the re-establishment of peace. - than have suffered the powers of the conti- "They have on neither side any effect dunent to encroach upon the maritime domiring peace; they have no application exnion of England; it is, therefore, an unlucky choice in you to appeal from us to them, who speak to us from the grave, and reproach us for having already, dastard-like, given up, what they, at all hazards, through all troubles and revolutions, so resolutely preserved.And what is there in the principles of our maritime rules, which savour of tyranny?" You think it no tyranny to erect a kingdom of Westphalia, in virtue of your right of conquest. Indeed, king Jerome expressly tells his new subjects, that it is upon that right he comes to reign over them. The same is your plea in all the countries upon the continent of Europe; and, I am by no means disposed to dispute its validity. Conquest gives right of dominion. It is so; it always has been so, from the time of Joshua to the present day; and it always must be so. But, if you claim this right upon the land, why are not we to claim it upon the sea? There is no difference in the two cases, that I can perceive, except this, that, while it is notorious, that your conquests are not at all necessary to the defence of France, it is equally notorious, that to exercise dominion upon the sea is ab. solutely necessary to the defence of England. To say, that the sea is not liable to the same rules as the land is absurd. It suits you to call the sea the high-way of nations," because it is upon the sea alone that we have power to annoy you, or to defend ourselves; but, can it be maintained, with any shew of reason, that a nation surrounded by the water, a considerable part of its property and population being always upon that element, shall have no rights there other than those possessed in common with continental nations? You may as well attempt to persuade us, that the birds and the beasts have as much right to the use of the waters as the fish have. The next passage of these remarks of the Moniteur is well worthy of attention. "It is because you do not wish for peace that you raise useless questions. France, Austria, Spain, Holland, Naples, say, as well as the Emperor of Russia, "that they proclaim alike the principles of "the armed neutrality. Those powers "have, doubtless, the right to declare the principles which are to be the rule of "ther policy; they have the right to say on what conditions it becomes them to be your enemies, or neutral. You, you claim anew the principles of your ma yourselves disposed to grant when she had no longer any enemies to combat. "The powers of the continent, in proclaiming anew the principles of the armed neutrality, do but announce the maxims upon which they purpose to act in the "next maritime war. You cannot prevent "their directing their policy as they under"stand it; they exercise in this the right "which appertains to all governments, and "to the usurpation of which they would have nothing to oppose but the ultima ratio regum. On your part, you proclaim "the principles of your maritime laws, that is, the maxims which you will employ in your next war. The continent has no "interest in demanding from you either de"clarations or renunciations. Declarations "would have no effect, from the moment you might think you could forget them "with impunity. Renunciations are with out an object, since we cannot renounce "what we do not possess. If we judge of "what you will do, by what you have bi"therto done, we may conclude, that you "will not require from the powers of the "continent, either declaration or renuncia"tion; and as they will demand none from you, there is hence no question to discuss, HAL REB "no difficulty to resolve; there is nothing " which can retard for a day the blessings "of peace."―This is, I think, as palpable a sneaking as I ever met with in all my life. As awkward a one, too, as it is possible to conceive. Mr. Talleyrand's good genius certainly did not predominate in the hour when these notes were peaned. What! all the boasting about "conquering the li"berty of the seas" 'come to this! Why not have told us, at once, that you found that you had got hold of the wrong horn; that you had been deceived; that you, therefore, gave up the design of forcing us to yield the right of search: why not act thus, and not attempt to sneak out of the difficulty, by a shuffling trick like this? The Emperor of Russia is put forward to bear the, brunt: it is his words that have such and such a meaning: you seem to have completely forgotten all Napoleon's threats and vows upon the same subject: you seem to wish to make the world forget, that he has pledged himself to the continent of Europe to “ conquer the "liberty of the seas;" and, if a peace were now made, at a moment when we, in fact, exercise a complete maritime dominion; what would become of this pledge, unless we were made to renounce that dominion? But, let us see, how the poor Emperor of Russia stands, as to this matter. He (wise and valiant prince!) has declared (see Vol. XII. p. 896), that he abrogates, for ever, "the convention of 1501; that he pro claims a-new the principles of the armed neutrality, that monument of the wisdom "of the Empress Catherine, and binds him"self never to recede from that system." | Now, who would not have thought, from this, that this wise man was resolved to have a share of the glory of "conquering the li"berty of the seas?" Not at all, it seems; and that he only meant to say, that, in the next war after this, he would act upon the principles of the armed neutrality; and, of course, that, if England should set those principles at nought, he would again proclaim them a-new as to be acted upon by by him, in the next war after that Verily this is almost too foolish to be believed of the "young and noble-minded and high spirited monarch," who, with the other of Prussia," breathed his vows and plighted "his troth, over the tomb of the great "Frederick, at Potsdam."--But, it appears now, that there is "nothing to re"nounce." What was it, then, that Napoleon so often talked of "conquering ? To conquer a thing is to obtain it by force: to take it from an enemy, or to compel that enemy to give it up to you. Now, you ac cuse us of having arrogated to ourselves the exclusive freedom of the seas; take it from us you cannot, or, at least, you acknowledge that you have not done it yet; and, if · you do not make us give it up, it is clear that you do not conquer it; so that, your declaration, that this question need not he agitated in negociations for peace, amounts to a complete abandonment of the promise, to fuin which your word ras, a hundred times, been pledged - -You affect to regard the Emperor of Russia's declaration as having no reference to the present war, because he is engaged in the war, and, therefore, cannot. be now affcted by our mari. time dominion; but, you forget, surely, that the neutrals are affected by it, and he through the sides of the neutrals. I might say neutral, for there is but one; but, then, that one is mighty, as long as she is nentral, having more merchant shipping than all the continent of Europe put together, Holland only excepted. Now, is it of no impor tance to espouse the cause of this great neutral state; to apply the principles of the armed neutrality to her; to insist upon her "neutrality being respected," in his sense of the words; and, not to make peace with us, until we do so respect it? Is this of no importance? Are the poor fellows, who live across the Atlantic, and who are passing non importation acts and building log-houses and mnd-forts and gun-boats, wherewith to aid you in conquering the freedom of the sens; "are these poor fellows, after all their toasting with you at Petersburgh and Rochefort, following the example of the imperial toast at Tilsit, to be left in the lurch to " conquer the liberty of the seas single handed? Since, however, this is the real meaning of the Emperor of Russia, we certainly shall very soon come to an accommodation with him: if he means not to act upon the principles of the armed neutrality during war, we shall have no objec tion at all to his cherishing them, with all his paternal and princely care, during peace. --The conclusion of the remarks of the Moniteur glance at what we may be disposed to demand. "If however, you should raise the strange and novel preten"sion of imposing upon France, and the other powers of the continent, by an act "of your will alone, the obligation of sub"scribing to your maritime laws, this is as "if you were to require that the legislature "and sovereignty of Russia, France, and 66 64 66 66 were to fix as the termination of war the have no rulers of your setting up, entertainmoment when you should have seized on!ing a confident hope, that all the alteration "St. Petersburgh, Paris, Vienna, and Ma- I wanted here we are, without any of your «drid. But if this be not at the bottom of help, quite able to effect. For this reason "your sentiment, there is no further ob- it is, that we dread such a peace as would "stacle to peace: for, according to your leave all the continent bound in your chains, own expressions, regotiations were bro- and all the harbours, dock-yards, and naval ken off on points which touched imme- arsenals at your command. Either, therediately not the interests of his Britannic fore, you ought to be made to restore a real Majesty, but those of his Imperial Ally ;' independence to the countries above-named, for the Imperial Ally of his Britannic or, to stipulate, that no ships of war shall Majesty, has informed you, that peace be built in those countries, or sail out of "is henceforth the principal end of his their harbours, during peace. It is useless "wish, the principal object of his in- to tell us, that this is to proclaim eternal "terest." Yes, but, though we did (very "war.". Such a phrase is nonsense; befoolishly, I allow,) make the Emperor of cause we must all (not excepting Napoleon) Russia's interests an impediment to peace, die at no very distant day; but, however long during the negociation of Lord Lauderdale, the war may last, though it were to descend it does not follow, I think, that, now that to our great grand-children, they would say, he wishes for peace, as the ally of France, as we now say, that war, with all its evils, that that circumstance alone ought to induce is preferable to being conquered by France, us to make peace.-No, we do not want to -The question with you is: war, or see any sovereignty transported to Lon- peace?" But, with us, the question is, "don." We have quite sovereigns enough war, or slavery to France?" That is to here; but, we have all a great desire, not say, if you refuse the conditions above sugto see the sovereignty of England transported gested; for, without those conditions, peace to France; and, if we make peace now, and independence we could not enjoy. This leaving France the absolute mistress of all vast difference between your situation and the continent, and with full leisure and ours ought never to be lost sight of. You means to stock the harbours of Denmark, risk nothing by peace, upon terms such as Holland, Portugal, and Spain with ships of these; but we risk every thing, without war, we can, without being gifted with those terms. If you are ready to make prophetic powers, clearly perceive, that it peace upon such terms, our ministers will could not be long before such a transporta- shew themselves the tools of low selfish tion would take place. Therefore it is, that passions, if they do not give us peace; but, we do see an obstacle to peace, though we if you refuse such terms, they will certainly wish for that event; an insurmountable ob- have our support in carrying on the war. stacle to peace, while Holland in particular remains under the controul of France. do not wish you and your friends and allies to subscribe to our maritime laws." We only want you to evacuate Holland and Denmark and Spain and Portugal; take away your troops to a certain distance, and to leave the people to do as they please with their own countries respectively. Till this, or something like this be obtained, what is the use of peace to us? It can be only the name of peace; for, we must arm again in a year, or be conquere 1. We do not want to conquer you. We, the people of this kingdom, care nothing at all about the manner, in which you may surround France with subaltern principalities and kingdoms. It is no matter to es whether you make Mr. Talleyrand or his valet a prince. You may have as many king Eugenes and king Jeromes as you please; and we know not that the change is for the w.rse. But, we ourselves wish to remin Lore by the name of Englishmen, and to We to As to the cause of this change in your tone towards England, it lies not very deeply hidden. You have now subdued the continent; you have pushed your commercial prohibitions to their utmost extent; and you have found, that our means continue as great as ever, and that, so far from being fear-stricken at the peace of Tilsit, we have, since that event, demonstrated less dread than before. The truth is (and you perceive it), that, instead of profiting from the wars of the continent, as you always asserted, and perhaps thought, those wars were a continual drain upon the fruits of our indus try; and, as lately conducted by your enemies, a continual deadener of our spirits. Their cause we made our own; their defeats we could not avoid considering as the defeats of ourselves; and, by degrees, forgetting the glorious example of our ancestors, and even overlooking the means which God had given us for our protection, we at last came to that state of mind, which led us to conclude, that the fate of England was to be |