The other objections which have been made I find so clearly formulated in a memorial of the Dominion Board of Trade, and clothed in such unusually temperate language, that I shall answer them seriatim. And I venture to believe that a very cursory examination will show how very little force is contained in the whole of them. The first objection of the board is in regard to what has been styled "the sliding scale,” and about which we have heard a very great deal for many months past. In the first place, then, I have to say that the gradual reduction of the existing customs duties was not part of the treaty, but merely a mode of putting the treaty in operation as easily as possible for all parties concerned. It was suggested merely as a means of overcoming two difficulties found to exist, not only in the United States but in Canada as well. It was supposed to be not undesirable to give manufacturers some time of preparation for the change by gradually reducing the existing duties on foreign goods. Moreover, had the duties gone off in one day the revenues of both countries would have been seriously affected, and the simultaneous imposition of new taxes to replace the loss of revenue might have been a difficult task. But, in truth, the importance of this matter has been absurdly exaggerated. It has been totally ignored that though the duties of the United States on fine manufactured goods are enormously high, on the articles we send them the average is only about 24 per cent. Now, one-third of this coming off would have made their rate for the first year 16 per cent. while ours would have been nearly 12, and for the second year their rate would have been 8 per cent. against our 6; and at the end of the second year all the duty would have come off in both countries. Moreover, the important fact seems to have been forgotten or concealed, that we would have had some compensation for that small sliding scale disadvantage, in the fact that the coasting trade and ship registry clauses would have gone at once into operation, while the enlargement of our canals could not have become available before 1880. And to sum up the matter, it is by no means certain that the sliding scale might not have been dispensed with altogether; for in the Customs Acts giving effect to the treaty, clauses would no doubt have been inserted giving the two governments power by proclamation to put the whole treaty in force at any earlier moment they might mutually find convenient. The second objection of the Board of Trade is the danger they see in a promise to complete the canal works by 1880. I dare say the Canadian government carefully considered this matter before they committed themselves to it, and had the best advice upon the point that skilled engineers could afford them; and I venture to believe that my honourable friend in the other chamber, who so admirably presides over the public works department, was as competent to judge of what was fitting to be done in the premises as any man in Canada. The third objection is that in the opinion of the Board of Trade the mtire ocean coasting trade of the United States should have been conceded to Canada. No doubt; but probably the other party had something to say to that. The fourth objection of the board is that the right of obtaining United States registry for Canadian ships cannot be regarded as a valuable concession, seeing that Canadians, instead of keeping their ships and sailing them, might be seduced into selling them, and thereby transfer to the Americans the great profits of the carrying trade. I venture to think this objection is not worthy of a reply. The fifth objection of the board is, that the Caughnawaga Canal should not have been stipulated to be built until the construction of the Whitehall Canal was absolutely secured. The Canadian government thought otherwise, and I venture to believe they were right in what they did. The chief interest of the United States may be "in the opening up of a new route to the ocean;" but a very important interest in Canada is to open up a new water route from New England to the West. The sixth objection of the board is, that the right of re-entry of goods into the country of their production should have been provided for, but was not. All goods placed in bond can now be re-entered in the country from whence they came. Surely the board cannot mean that broken packages of goods should be returned? The seventh objection of the board is, that it cannot tell whether goods manufactured in either country must be composed entirely of native materials. Certainly not. The eighth and last objection is, that all consular fees and certificates should have been abolished by the treaty, but were not. It is by no means clear that this would have been an advantage. With regard to the recent action of the United States senate on the draft treaty, and its return to the president with the advice that it was inexpedient to proceed with it, I may state he explained that the proceedings of the senate were taken in executive session, and therefore strictly secret, but the probability is that no full discussion of the matter had taken place in consequence of the shortness of the session, the absorbing interests of the questions now agitated, and the large financial deficit that had to be met by the imposition of new taxes. The fate of the negotiation is, however, settled for the present, but the agreement that resulted from it is on record, and no doubt will yet make its appearance again, and form the basis of a new and more successful negotiation. It took six years to conclude the negotiation for the treaty of 1854, and not a few delays and rejections occurred in that time. I totally misconstrue the present temper of the American public mind if a great change on the subject of protection and finance and foreign trade is not approaching; and when that day arrives, the large and practical scheme embraced in the draft treaty will hardly be forgotten. But be that as it may, it is not for the people of Canada to be influenced by any such anticipation. They have shown their ability to open new markets for themselves when the American market was closed against them, and the clear path for them is to follow up, with redoubled energy and perseverance, the policy on which they have entered. Let the Americans load their industries with customs duties as they choose; be it the firm policy of Canada to remove every barrier in the way of commercial extension, to repeal all duties on raw materials, on articles used in manufacturing, and on the common necessities of daily life, and to replace the revenue lost, if needed, by a wiser and cheaper system of taxation; let them seek to develop their great national industries, and especially the agricultural, shipping, fishing, mineral, and lumber industries; let them open up new markets adapted to their traffic; and let the Canadian faq be found floating on every sea. INDEX. Act, Imperial, authorizes Canadian provinces to deal with clergy reserves, 52. Adherence to principles distinctly stated vital to responsible government, 49. Albion newspaper, 10. Assassination of Mr. Brown, 141. Bagot, Sir Charles; short term and illness, 3. Baldwin, Robert, had confidence of reformers, 26; his timidity, 27, 147; "Baldwin reformers," their defection, 22; their characters, 22; assailed Banner newspaper, 11. Barren speech from the throne in 1851, 44. Belleau, Sir Narcisse, becomes premier of coalition government, 101; too Bennett, assassinates Mr. Brown, 141. Bishop of Toronto, his agitation of the clergy reserve question, 7. Bow Park farm, 118, 119. Bribery at elections of 1872; Mr. Mackenzie's statement, 129; Mr. Brown's British system of government in America compared with that of United "British North American League," 20. Brown, Mr. Peter, emigrates to New York, 10; his character, 9, 10; pub- Brown, Mr. (afterwards Hon.) George, his parentage and education, 9; Brown, Hon. George-continued. speech, 44; attitude towards the government, 44; increasing influence, Rull, Papal, 1850, 33. Burns, Dr., 81. Cameron, Mr. Malcolm, enters ministry, 16; confided in by liberals, 29; Cameron, Mr. J. H., member of committee on constitutional changes, 85. Cardinal Wiseman's pronunciamento, 33. Cardwell, Mr., approves confederation, 97; applies pressure to Maritime Carnarvon, Lord, appoints Canadian as commissioner, 137. Cartier-Macdonald government defeated, 80. Cartier, member of committee on constitutional changes, 85; visits Eng- Catholic, Roman, separate schools, 33. Catholics offended by Glohe articles, 33. Causes of Mr. Brown's leaving coalition, 103, 105. Causes of insurrection of 1837-9, 1. Cayley, Mr., moves amendment, 56. Chapais, Mr., member of committee on constitutional changes, 85. "Clear grit," origin of term, 38, 149. Clergy reserves, land seized by Church of England, 4; some Presbyterians Coalition government breaks faith with Mr. Brown, 106. |