The House Committee on Internal Security is a standing committee of the House of Representatives, constituted as such by the rules of the House, adopted pursuant to Article I, section 5, of the Constitution of the United States which authorizes the House to determine the rules of its proceedings.

RULES ADOPTED BY THE 92D CONGRESS

House Resolution 5, January 22, 1971.
RESOLUTION

Resolved, That the Rules of the House of Representatives of the Ninety-first Congress, together with all applicable provisions of the Legislative Reorganization Act of 1946, as amended, and the Legislative Reorganization Act of 1970, be, and they are hereby adopted as the Rules of the House of Representatives of the Ninety-second Congress * * *

RULE X

STANDING COMMITTEES

1. There shall be elected by the House, at the commencement of each Congress,

(k) Committee on Internal Security, to consist of nine Members.

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RULE XI

POWERS AND DUTIES OF COMMITTEES

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11. Committee on Internal Security.

(a) Communist and other subversive activities affecting the internal security of the United States.

(b) The Committee on Internal Security, acting as a whole or by subcommittee, is authorized to make investigations from time to time of (1) the extent, character, objectives, and activities within the United States of organizations or groups, whether of foreign or domestic origin, their members, agents, and affiliates, which seek to establish, or assist in the establishment of, a totalitarian dictatorship within the United States, or to overthrow or alter, or assist in the overthrow or alteration of, the form of government of the United States or of any State thereof, by force, violence, treachery, espionage, sabotage, insurrection, or any unlawful means, (2) the extent, character, objectives, and activities within the United States of organizations or groups, their members, agents, and affiliates, which incite or employ acts of force, violence, terrorism, or any unlawful means, to obstruct or oppose the lawful authority of the Government of the United States in the execution of any law or policy affecting the internal security of the United States, and (3) all other questions, including the administration and execution of any law of the United States, or any portion of law, relating to the foregoing that would aid the Congress or any committee of the House in any necessary remedial legislation.

The Committee on Internal Security shall report to the House (or to the Clerk of the House if the House is not in session) the results of any such investigation, together with such recommendations as it deems advisable.

For the purpose of any such investigation, the Committee on Internal Security, or any subcommittee thereof, is authorized to sit and act at such times and places

within the United States, whether the House is in session, has recessed, or has adjourned, to hold such hearings, and to require, by subpena or otherwise, the attendance and testimony of such witnesses and the production of such books, records, correspondence, memorandums, papers, and documents, as it deems necessary. Subpenas may be issued under the signature of the chairman of the committee or any subcommittee, or by any member designated by any such chairman, and may be served by any person designated by any such chairman or

member.

28. (a) In order to assist the House in

(1) its analysis, appraisal, and evaluation of the application, administration, and execution of the laws enacted by the Congress, and

(2) its formulation, consideration, and enactment of such modifications of or changes in those laws, and of such additional legislation, as may be necessary or appropriate,

each standing committee shall review and study, on a continuing basis, the application, administration, and execution of those laws, or parts of laws, the subject matter of which is within the jurisdiction of that committee.

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NATIONAL PEACE ACTION COALITION (NPAC) AND PEOPLES COALITION FOR PEACE & JUSTICE (PCPJ)

Part 1

TUESDAY, MAY 18, 1971

U.S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

SUBCOMMITTEE OF THE

COMMITTEE ON INTERNAL SECURITY,

PUBLIC HEARINGS

Washington, D.C.

A subcommittee of the Committee on Internal Security met pursuant to call, at 10:15 a.m., in room 311, Cannon House Office Building, Washington, D.C., Hon. Richard H. Ichord, chairman, presiding.

(Subcommittee members: Representatives Richard H. Ichord of Missouri, chairman; Richardson Preyer of North Carolina; and John M. Ashbrook of Ohio.)

Subcommittee members present: Representatives Ichord and Ashbrook.

Committee member also present: Representative John G. Schmitz of California.

Staff members present: Donald G. Sanders, chief counsel, and Stephen H. Romines, assistant counsel.

The CHAIRMAN. The meeting will come to order.

During the 91st Congress, following an exhaustive staff study, the House Committee on Internal Security conducted investigations and held hearings to determine the organizational structure, leadership, planning, objectives, and activities of the New Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam (New Mobe). Of particular interest to the committee was a determination of the extent to which the Communist Party, U.S.A., the Socialist Workers Party, the Young Socialist Alliance, and other groups under communist influence or control had acquired a leadership role in directing New Mobe activities. The evidence received by the committee in those hearings clearly showed that New Mobe, a coalition of numerous antiwar groups, was heavily influenced by two communist factions, the CPUSA and the Trotskyite Socialist Workers Party, both of which advocate the overthrow of the United States Government by force and violence. Continual friction between the Communist Party [U.S.A.] and the Socialist Workers Party within the New Mobe over tactics led to a split in mid-1970. The Socialist Workers Party and its youth affiliate, the Young Socialist Alliance, together with the Student Mobilization Committee, were instrumental in organizing the National Peace Action

Coalition (NPAC) to serve as a successor to New Mobe in sponsoring massive rallies in Washington and San Francisco on April 24, 1971. At the same time numerous groups favoring a more militant posture joined with the CPUSA faction of New Mobe to organize the National Coalition Against War, Racism and Repression (NCAWRR), the name of which was subsequently changed to the Peoples Coalition for Peace & Justice (PCPJ), to serve as the action group for carrying out other protest demonstrations following the April 24 NPAC action. On April 6, 1971, in view of the advance publicity regarding planned demonstrations to be held in Washington by these two organizations, I addressed the House to point out the significant communist presence so apparent in the leadership of both NPAC and PCPJ. That speech was made from information provided me by investigators and by researchers of the staff of the committee. The information and the evidence was verified by me and found to be accurate, in my best judgment. The speech was made particularly in view of the fact that many prominent Members of Congress were endorsing the demonstration. I thought that they should be warned before they leaped to the sponsorship of these demonstrations.

The speech received very little press attention, none at all on the east coast, until NPAC, the National Peace Action Coalition, called a news conference for the purpose of repudiating the speech. If you will examine the news release that was made by NPAC, you will find that not a single fact which I alleged in the speech of April 6 was denied by NPAC. As a matter of fact, I think they made a tactical error in calling the press conference because very little publicity had been given to the speech and it would have been exceedingly difficult for NPAC to deny the leadership of the Socialist Workers Party because they had Fred Halstead, a former Socialist Workers Party candidate for President, at the press conference.

I have been surprised to learn that most Members of Congress think that the Socialist Workers Party members are the Norman Thomas-type Socialists. Nothing could be further from the truth. These are the Trotskyite communists who, in many respects, are much more revolutionary than the Communist Party, U.S.A., and it is a group that has experienced phenomenal growth in recent years. It is not my purpose to exacerbate the traditional animosity that exists between the Trotskyite communists and the regular Communists, the Communist Party, U.S.A., but it is my personal judgment, in many respects, the Socialist Workers Party-the Trotskyite communists have developed more competent leadership, much more competent than Gus Hall and some of the old traditional leaders of the Communist Party, U.S.A., and they have been very successful in recruitment. They have developed the ability to very adeptly exploit some of the problems in our Nation.

I realize that many Americans may feel so strongly against the war in Vietnam that they don't consider it relevant who provided the leadership, the planning, for these demonstrations. But I submit that it is relevant, it is material, because the people that I pointed out in a speech on April 6 as playing a principal leadership role are not interested necessarily in obtaining a peace in Vietnam except on the terms of the enemy. They are more interested in seeing the humiliation of America. I think that it is relevant, and these are some of the facts that we are going to explore in these hearings.