British, and represent the Americans as a statement of General Harrison's force, yet

"whipping their enemies" under the most adverse circumstances that the creative mind of an American historian could conjure up. Having disposed of these affairs we shall proceed to examine, before entering on the nayal part of the history, into the position of both parties, their relative strength, and the plans formed by the American Government.

we are informed that while Proctor, after defeating and capturing Winchester, was hastening back to Malden, to escape the attacks of Harrison, this last mentioned officer, under similar apprehensions of his adversary, after setting fire to his stores, baggage and defences at the Rapids, retreated hastily to Portage River. The delusion, however,† under which During the first quarter of the year 1813, this movement was made was not of long the government at Washington had made the duration, and shortly afterwards, General most strenuous efforts to prepare for opening, Harrison announced to his government that with vigor, the campaign. Ample reinforce- "a few days would enable him to resume and ments and supplies had been forwarded. To defend the position he had left, against anybegin: we find, accord- thing Proctor could bring against it, and American Force. ing to Armstrong, "that advancing with a force of about two thousand within district No. 9, commanded by General men,‡ on the eastern bank of the Miami, he Dearborn, there were over thirteen thousand began a fortified camp to cover his intended men of all arms. On the Niagara three thou-operations. Here, for the present, we will sand three hundred regulars, and three thou- leave him with General Proctor watching him sand volunteers and militia; at Sackett's Harbour, two hundred regulars, and two thousand militia; on Lake Champlain, three thousand regulars, and two thousand militia. In the West, although we are without the data which would enable us to give so detailed

which he bravely attempted to take with the bayonet, though covered with 200 of the enemy's best troops: advancing as rapidly as the deep snow, and the exhausted state (in consequence) of his men, would admit, he ordered a charge, and had not proceeded many paces, when his left arm was broken to pieces by a grape shot; but still undauntedly running on with his men, he almost immediately afterwards was deprived of the use of his right arm, by a discharge of a case-shot; still heroically disregarding all personal consideration, he nobly ran on, cheering his men, to the assault, till, exhausted by pain and loss of blood, he became unable to move; his company gallantly continued the charge under Lieutenant M Auley; but the reserve of the militia not being able to keep up with them, they were compelled, by the great superiority of the enemy, to give way, leaving a few on a commanding position, and a few of the most advanced, in the enemy's possession, nearly about the time that I gained the height above mentioned. The enemy hesitating to surrender, I instantly carried his eastern battery, and by it silenced another, which now opened again; and ordering on the advance the detachment of the King's, and the Highland company of militia, under Captain Eustace, of the King's regiment, he gallantly rushed into the fort; but the enemy retreating by the opposite entrance, escaped into the woods, which I should have effectually prevented, if my Indian warriors had returned sooner from a detached service, on which they had that morning been employed.

Proctor's Force.

with five hundred and twenty regulars, four hundred and fifty militia and about twelve hundred Indians. We have already shown that

Sheaffe's Force.

the whole force along the Niagara frontier, thirty-six miles in length, exclusive of that stationed at Fort George, and which may be

I cannot close this statement without expressing my admiration of the gallantry and self-devotion of Captain Jenkins, who had lost one arm, and is in danger of losing the other. I must also report the intrepidity of Captain Lefevre, of the Newfoundland regiment, who had the immediate charge of the militia under Colonel Fraser; of Captain Eustace, and the other officers of the King's regiment; and particularly of Lieutenant Ridge, of that corps, who very gallantly led on the advance; and of Lieutenant M Auley, and ensign M' Donnell, of the Glengarry regiment; as also Lieutenant Gangueben, of the royal engineers; and of Ensign M'Kay, of the Glengarry light-infantry; and of Ensign Kerr, of the militia, each of whom had charge of a field-peice; and of Lieutenant Impey, of the militia, who has lost a leg. I was also well supported by Colonel Fraser and the other officers and men of the militia, who emulated the conspicuous bravery of all the troops of the line. I inclose a list of killed and wounded. The enemy had 500 men under arms, and must have sustained

stated at fourteen hundred and forty regulars, Erie and Chippewa, to join that already asand two hundred and sixty militia, amounted sembled at Fort George. Canada West havto but three hundred and sixty regulars, and ing been thus swept, the whole force was to two hundred and forty militia, in all twenty- proceed eastward to Kingston, to co-operate three hundred men. with General Dearborn in the reduction, first of that place, and afterwards of Quebec. This was a very well laid combination, and had Canadians been the disaffected body imagined by Americans, would in all probability have sucto believe themselves as enslaved and wronged ceeded. As they, however, obstinately refused as Hull and Smith represented, it did not realize all that had been expected.

anda.

It is not so easy to get at the strength of Army in Lower Ca- the force at the disposal of Sir Geo. Prevost, but we can gather from "Veritas,"-who, in his anxiety to criminate Sir George, is not likely to have understated his means, whether for offence or defence-that it did not exceed three thousand regulars and militia at the outside.

These numbers show fifteen thousand five The total numbers hundred Americans to on both sides compared. six thousand three hun

dred British and twelve hundred Indians.

strength.

formerly commanded the Southampton frigate, and immediately on his arrival he commenced with great energy the work of fitting, man

A glance at the state of affairs on Lake On-ning, and preparing for actual service. Before, Comparative naval tario does not give a more satisfactory result, as we find a powerful American force, the united tonnage of which amounted to over nineteen hundred tons, besides boats, lying at Sackett's harbor. This fleet, mounting eightysix heavy cannon, was in readiness to co-operate in the movements contemplated by the Cabinet at Washington. At this very time our vessels on Lake Ontario were lying unmanned and unfurnished in Kingston harbor and elsewhere, waiting for the arrival of seamen to enable them to be prepared for ser

vice!

however, entering with him on his labors, we must retrace our steps, and resume the narrative of naval events, which we closed with the capture of the Java by the Constitution. We must also remind the reader that, in the fifth chapter of this work, an act of great barbarity on the part of Captain Porter, of the Essex, towards a British seaman, was, on the authority of Mr. James, exposed. An account of this proceeding reaching Sir James Yeo, some natural expressions of indignation at the act, and of contempt for the perpetrator, escaped him; and as these sentiments were uttered in the hearing of several American prisoners then on board the Southampton, they were soon made public, with appropriate emendations. Sir James Yeo's remarks were made to convey a challenge to Captain Porter, and this officer had now an opportunity of thrusting himself into more creditable notice than the inbuman tarring and feathering of poor John Ewing was calculated to gain for him. A formal acceptance by Captain Porter of this (we may call it pretended, as James declares there is no authority whatever for the sending) cha!

Having shown the strength, we will now proceed to the plan of Plan of campaign. campaign proposed by General Dearborn and Commodore Chauncey, and, after some deliberation, agreed to by the American Government as certain of ultimate success. According to this plan, it was proposed that three simultaneous demonstrations should be made. At the west Harrison was to attack and drive back Proctor, compelling the surrender of Malden and the evacuation lenge afterwards went the round of the Ameof the Michigan territory; Com. Chauncey and the fleet, with an army under Gen. Pike, were first to attack York, and from thence to proceed to the investment of Fort George by land and water; a third force was to cross over from Buffalo, and, carrying the forts at adventurous expedition did not fail to create

rican papers. We have introduced this anecdote, as it is necessary for us, before resuming our narrative, at the date where we broke off, to accompany Capt. Porter on his first cruise in the Essex. The successful issue of this

great sensation throughout the United States, and we might expose ourselves to the charge of a suppressio veri, did we omit aught that might be supposed to bear on the subject.

We have, besides, an additional inducement to accompany Captain Porter, as we may be

enabled to correct a few statements which, inadvertently of course, have been suffered to creep into his record.

The Essex had been prevented from forming part of Commodore Rodger's squadron, as she could not be fitted up in time, but on the 3rd July she sailed from New York, and on the 11th fell in with seven transports bound from Barbadoes, to Quebec, under the convoy of the Minerva, twelve pounder, thirty-two gun frigate. The Essex succeeded in cutting off the rearmost vessel with nearly two hundred soldiers on board, and Captain Hawkins wore in pursuit but, finding after a while, that by continuing in chase, he must run the risk of separating from, and perhaps losing the remaining six vessels of his convoy, he resumed his course.

James observes on this "Captain Porter was discreet, as well as shrewd enough to chuckle at this; and disarming and paroling the soldiers, and ransoming the vessel, he allowed the latter to proceed with the intelligence of the outrage she had suffered. He of course obtained from his prize, the name of the convoying frigate, whose protection had been of so much service, and by the first opportunity wrote an official account of his exploit, concluding with the, as applied to a British ship, galling words "we endeavored to bring the frigate to action, but did not succeed." Unfortunately for Captain Porter's declaration of inferiority, in point of sailing, of the Essex, this vessel was afterwards captured, and her sailing qualities so fully ascertained as to leave no doubt but that Captain Porter, had he really desired to bring the Minerva to action, could easily have come alongside of her. That no such thought, however, entered Captain Porter's head will be clear to all, as we proceed in our analysis of that Officer's claim to wear the laurel. A dispatch to the Navy Department, dated "At sea, August 17th," contains the next claim preferred by Captain Porter, "I have the honor to inform you that on the 13th His Britanic Majesty's

sloop of war, Alert, Captain T. L. R. Langharne, ran down on our weather quarter, gave three cheers, and commenced an action (if so trifling a skirmish deserves the name), and after eight minutes' firing, struck her colours, with seven feet of water in her hold, much cut to pieces, and with three men wounded. ****The Essex has not received the slightest injury. The Alert was out for the purpose of taking the Hornet."

Some credit is due for the modesty of this

despatch, but when we state what the Alert really was, it will be seen that even Captain David Porter could scarcely have made more of the transaction. In the year 1804, twelve colliers were purchased by the British Government, and one of these, the Oxford, became the Alert sloop of war fitted with eighteen pound carronades, the highest calibre she could bear. By the end of the year 1811, ten of these choice vessels had either been broken up or converted into peaceable harbour ships. Two still remained, and, as if possessing in reality the qualities which their names implied, the Avenger and Alert were dispatched to the North American station a short time previous to the war. Had the Alert been rigged with two masts, Capt. Porter would only have had the glory of taking a small gun brig, but the unfortunate mizen mast classed her amongst vessels which were a full match for any two such craft. Captain Porter disarmed his prize and sent her, as a cartel, with the prisoners, eighty-six in number, to St. John's, Newfoundland, where Captain Langharne and his crew were tried for the loss of the ship. When we consider the verdict of the Court, however, we may be inclined to admire Captain Langharne's bravery, we cannot but condemn him somewhat for provoking, with such a crew, so unequal a contest. It was proved at the trial that the crew went aft to request the Captain to strike his colors, and the finding of the Court was "the honorable acquittal of Captain Langharne, the master and purser," while the first lieutenant was dismissed the service, and the marked disapprobation of the Court was expressed to the remaining officers and crew. On her return to the States, being found unfit for a cruiser, the Alert was first laid up in ordinary, and, after some time, then fitted up as a store ship; her creeping pace, however, betrayed her collier origin, and she was finally

sent to New York, to be exhibited to the citizens as one of the national trophies of war.

Capt. Porter's next despatch must have carried with it a pleasing conviction that maritime supremacy had ceased to be "England's undoubted right," and must have inspired American sailors with a most contemptible opinion of their opponent's courage. We give the despatch entire.

"On the afternoon of the 30th August, I discovered one of the enemy's frigates standing forward, as under a press of sail, apparently with an intention of speaking us, stood for him under easy sail with the ship prepared for action, and, apprehensive that he might not find me during the night, I hoisted a light. At 9, he made a signal cousisting of two flashes and a blue light, apparently about four miles distant from us. I continued to stand on for the point where they were seen until midnight, when not getting sight of the enemy, I concluded it would be best to heave to for him until daylight, presuming that he had done the same, or that he would at least have kept in our neigbourhood; but to my great surprise and the mortification of my officers and crew (whose zeal on every occasion excites my admiration,) we discovered in the morning that the bird had flown. From her fleetness which enabled her to disappear so soon, I think it not unlikely that it was Acasta, of fifty guns, and three hundred and fifty men sent out with the Ringdove of twentytwo guns to cruise for the Essex."

the

Ships usually carry logbooks, in which are entered every day's proceedings, with the latitude and longitude; a reference to these, unfortunately for the correctness of Capt. Porter's assumption, shows that, on the day mentioned, the Acasta was in lat. 43 north, and long. 639 16' west. The Essex being in 36° north and 629 west. The Ringdove (only of eighteen guns by the way) was on that day at anchor in the harbour of the island of St. Thomas. The ship that Capt. Porter fell in with, was the Ratler, eighteen gun sloop, Capt. Alexander Gordon, who knowing that it would be folly to engage in so unequal a contest, very wisely avoided an engagement.

On the 4th of September Capt. Porter was really gratified with a sight of a ship of war, as on that day, having in convoy the merchant ship Minerva, he fell in with (to use his own

words) Two ships of war. These two ships of war were the British thirty-eight gun frigate Shannon and the merchant ship Planter, recaptured from the Americans. The Essex, keeping the Minerva close astern of her, bore down as if to meet the Shannon, then in chase, but having closed to within ten miles, Capt. Porter's better judgment prevailed, and leaving the poor merchant ship to her fate, the Essex hauled to the wind and crowded all sail to get away. The Minerva was taken possession of and burnt, in hopes that the Essex might see the flames and clear down to avenge the indignity, but with no effect. This running away was the last exploit performed by Capt. Porter, who anchored, three days afterwards, in the Delaware, "crowned with glory."

We left, it may be remembered, the Hornet

Hornet and Peacock.

sloop of war off St. Salvador, where, with the Constitution, Capt. Lawrence had been blockading the Bonne Citoyenne, and whence she was chased by the Montague, seventy-four. Hornet stood to the westward, captured an After escaping from the line of battle ship, the English brig with some seven thousand pounds in specie on board, and then directed her course to the coast of Surinam and Demerara. While cruising on this station, the Hornet, when beating off the entrance to the Demerara river, discovered a sail bearing down on her, which proved to be the British brig sloop Peacock. The engagement commenced a little after five, and ten minutes before six, the Peacock, being in a sinking state from the heavy fire of the Hornet, hoisted an ensign, union down, from her fore rigging, as a signal of distress. Shortly afterwards her main mast went by the board. Every attempt was now made to save the crew, but all would not do, and a few minutes afterwards the Peacock went down in five and a half fathom water with thirteen of her men, four of whom only escaped by crawling into the fore rigging. An American Lieutenant, Midshipman, and three men with difficulty saved themselves by jumping, as the brig went down, into boats lying on the booms. Some of the men saved themselves in the stern boat, and, notwithstanding it was much damaged by shot, they arrived in safety at Demerara.

Of her hundred and ten men, the Peacock

lost her gallant commander and seven men, besides three officers and twenty-seven men wounded. The Americans state their loss at two killed and three wounded, out of a crew of one hundred and seventeen.

We give the comparative force of the combatants, before introducing James' remarks on the action.

Comparative force of the ships.

Peacock.

..192.

Broadside guns.... 9....

No. of lbs.....

Crew

.....

Size....

.110. ....386..

Hornet.

10 .297

...162
...460

tions and that of the Espiègle. This was necessary, as Captain Lawrence's statement makes the Espiègle "six miles in shore of me," and adds, "and could plainly see the

sending proper vessels to sea. The Peacock, Frolic and brigs of her class were mere shells, when compared with such ships as the Hornet and the Wasp, whose scantling was nearly as stout as a British twelve pounder frigate, but still they were entitled to be ranked in a certain class, and an extract from Lawrence's* official letter will show that he did not hesitate to claim for himself a very sufficient amount of credit. Captain Lawrence could have afforded to have dispensed with this, as we readily admit that he was really a gallant and truly brave officer; after all, we can hardly wonder at his becoming inoculated with the The accuracy of this table has been proved, national disorder, especially as it was the yet American writers have declared that the policy of a government that has never yet Hornet gained a victory over a "superior been convinced of the inutility, even in a profit British force." Now for James." If, in and loss point of view, of making a misstatetheir encounter of British frigates the Ameri- ment. The wreck of the Peacock was visible cans were so lucky as to meet them with for a long time after the action, and this was crippled masts, deteriorated powder, unskilful a fortunate circumstance, as it gave an gunners, or worthless crews, they were not opportunity of ascertaining her relative posi less fortunate in the brigs they fell in with. There was the Frolic, with her main-yard gone and topmasts sprung; and here is the Peacock, with twenty-four instead of thirtytwo pound carrronades, the establishment of her class, and with a crew that, owing to the nature of their employment ever since the brig had been commissioned, in August, 1807, must have almost forgotten that they belonged to a man-of-war. The Peacock had long been the admiration of her numerous visitors, for the tasteful arrangement of her deck, and had obtained, in consequence, the name of the yacht. The breechings of the carronades were lined with white canvas, the shot-lockers shifted from their usual places, and nothing could exceed in brilliancy, the polish upon the traversing bars and elevating screws.' These remarks are deservedly severe, both on the commander of the Peacock and the authorities, whose duty it was to know that the Peacock was fitted in a manner suitable to her class. The brig was new, built of oak, and able to bear thirty-two pounders, and there could then have been no other cause for the change,but that the smaller guns took up less room, and gave a lighter appearance to the deck. It appears extraordinary that the British Government, after so many disasters, and the lapse of eight months from the declaration of war, should not have become alive to the importance of

"At the time I brought the Peacock to action, the Espiègle, (the brig mentioned as being at an carronades, and two long nines, lay about six anchor) mounting sixteen two and thirty pound miles in shore of me, and could plainly see the whole of the action. Apprehensive she would beat out to the assistance of her consort, such exertions were used by my officers and crew, in repairing damages, &c., that by nine o'clock our boats were stowed, a new set of sails bent, and A.M., got under way and stood by the wind to the ship completely ready for action. At two, the northward and westward under easy sail. On mustering next morning, found we had two hundred and seventy-seven souls on board (including the crew of the American brig, Hunter, of Portland, taken a few days before by the Peacock) and as we had been on two-thirds allowance of provisions for some time, and had but 3,400 gallons of water on board, I reduced the allowance to three pints a man, and determined to make the best of my way to the United States.

The Peacock was deservedly styled one of the finest vessels of her class in the British navy. I should judge her to be about the tonnage of the Hornet. Her beam was greater by five inches, but her extreme length not so great by four feet. She mounted sixteen four and twenty pound carronades, two long nines, one twelve pound carronade on her top-gallant forecastle as a shifting gun, and one four or six pounder, and two swivels crew consisted of one hundred and thirty-four mounted aft. I find by her quarter-bill that her men, four of whom were absent in a prize."