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Embargo Act of U. Despatches from the S. Congress.25th Dec. 1807. United States Minister at Paris-General Armstrong-were received at Washington on the 16th December, 1807, from which it appeared plainly that the confiscation of the American ship Horizon* was merely the first enforcement of a rule which the French government intended to pursue; and that, consequently, it was no part of the Emperor's policy to exempt the United States from the operation of the Berlin Decree. Intelligence was brought at the same time, through London papers of the 12th November, to the effect "that orders in council were about to be issued, declaring France and the countries under her control in a state of blockade, a reference no doubt to the orders

that such neutral vessel should not be supply-lence on its author's head," and as such, a ing, nor should, on the outer voyage, have measure of just retaliation. supplied the enemy with any articles contraband of war, and should not be trading with any blockaded, (that is, actually blockaded,) ports." The generosity, and the value of this indulgence, for indulgence it literally was, are to be appreciated from the fact, that it had been a law generally understood and acted upon for a century, at least, that "a neutral has no right to carry on a trade with the colonies of one of two, or more, belligerent powers in time of war." Great Britain, however, during her contest with revolutionary France, relaxed this rule in 1794, and still further in 1798, when permission was granted to neutrals to carry the produce of the French West Indian colonies, either to a British port, or to any one of their own ports. This relaxation had the effect of throwing the French carrying trade almost wholly into the hands of the United States, and from it the commerce of that coun-¡ try prospered amazingly,-great wealth being realised by American merchants, who were able to make a lucrative profit out of British munificence, and, as it was shown, to the de-go was laid on all the shipping in their ports,

triment of British commerce. Even so late as 1806, when, to arrest the farther introduction of supplies into France from the United States, the blookade from the Elbe to Brest was declared, the interests of the American Republic were specially consulted, in an explanation communicated by Mr. Fox to Mr. Monroe,

that "such blockade should not extend to

prevent neutral ships and vessels laden with goods, not being the property of His Majesty's enemies, and not being contraband of war, from approaching the said coasts, and entering into and sailing from the said rivers and ports." We dwell complacently upon these concessions; we regard them with national pride; for they shew conclusively that the disposition of our Government towards the American Union was the very reverse of arbitrary, selfish, or oppressive. Now, if subsequently to the publication of the French decrees, Great Britain was compelled to adopt a different course, who, with a knowledge of her previous liberality, will suspect that any desire to impair the trade of the United States, entered into her motives, or that the step was other than, as the British Ministry represented it to be, an equitable "retorting of his own vio

dated the day before, but which had not then been published, and were not until a week afterward." At this period it was that the first step in the way of commercial restriction was taken by the United States. An embar

the measure being recommended to Congress, on the mere responsibility of the executive, and passed with the utmost precipitation. "It prohibited the departure, unless by special direction of the President, of any vessel from any port of the United States bound to any foreign country, except foreign armed vessels possessing public commissions, and foreign merchant ships in ballast, or with such tified of the act. All registered or sea-letter cargo as they might have on board when novessels-the latter denomination including fo

*This was the first confiscation of American property under the Berlin decree, and occurred on the 10th November, 1807. The Horizon had accidentally been stranded on the French coast;

and the ground of confiscation was that the cargo consisted of merchandise of British origin.-Hildreth.

Hildreth.

On this occasion John Quincy Adams, who had recently abandoned the federal party and, unhappily, had lent the aid of his remarkable powers to the democrats, supported the government with vehement zeal. "The President, he urged, has recommended this measure on his high responsibility. I would not consider. I would not deliberate, I would act. Doubtless the President possesses such further information as will justify the measure."

reign-built vessels owned by Americans-ration for the affair of the Chesapeake. There which, during this restriction from foreign was an indispensable preliminary, however, voyages, might engage in the coasting trade, that the President's proclamation* of the 2d were to give bonds, in double the value of the July should be previously withdrawn. Before cargo, to re-land the same within the United this should have been done, he stated that he States. "Thus"-Mr. Hildreth forcibly remarks had no authority to enter on any negotiation, in regard to the legislative proceedings of his and even declined to specify the reparation own countrymen on this occasion—“ on the 'which he was empowered to offer. As the mere recommendation of the executive, almost President declined recalling the proclamation without debate, with closed doors, without Mr. Rose returned home, and the settlement any previous intimation to the public, or op-¦ of the difficulty was postponed.

Mr. Rose's Mission.

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On the 25th December Mr. Rose, envoy extraordinary of Great Britain, arrived in the United States, with instructions from our government to offer repa

Public feeling in the States unfriendly to Great Britain.

portunity for advice from those most able to give it, was forced through, by night sessions, Throughout the irritaand the overbearing determination of a maing discussion which enjority at once pliable and obstinate, an act sued, the disposition of the American Repubstriking a deadly blow at the national indus-, lic is to be taken into account, as evidently try, and at the means of livelihood of great operating to protract and embarrass negotianumbers; the real nature and inevitable tion. That disposition was unquestionably ration of which seem to have been equally the reverse of amicable towards Great Britain. misapprehended by the cabinet which recom- Whilst the effort was made to remain strictly mended, and by the supple majority which neutral, the heart of the nation was not in its conceded it." The embargo thus imposed was profession of neutrality. Ever since the accesafterwards made still more stringent by sup- sion of the Democratic party to power under plementary measures denouncing severe pen- Mr. Jefferson-who was inaugurated into his alties, and excluding foreign vessels from the first Presidency on the 4th arch, 1801-the coasting trade altogether. war spirit against Great Britain was steadily growing up, with some few exceptions, amongst the inhabitants of the United States. Under the administration of that rigid republican and philosopher of the Rousseau school, the idea of quarrelling with Great Britain seems to have become, by degrees, palatable rather than otherwise to the party who raised him to the chief Magistracy, and these formed a large majority. We do not forget, however, that in the very respectable minority, chiefly in the Eastern States, who participated not in the defiant spirit so widely cherished and exhibited towards Great Britain, were to be found that sterling part of the nation who, in point of fortune, talent, education, moral and religi ous principles, have always compared most favorably with the rest of their countrymen. It is evident that the well known prevalence of a predilection for France and antipathy towards her adversary, must have materially influenced, in a manner injurious on either side to just and reasonable and advantageous

"In whatever spirit that instrument was is sued, it is sufficiently obvious, that it has been

productive of considerable prejudice to his majesty's interests, as considered to his military and other servants in the United States, to the honor of his flag, and to the privileges of his ministers accredited to the American government. From the operation of this proclamation have unavoidably resulted effects of retaliation, and self-assumed redress, which might be held to affect materially the question of the reparation due to the United States, especially inasmuch as its execution has been persevered in after the knowledge of his Majesty's early, unequivocal, and unsolicited disavowal of the unauthorized act of Admiral Berkeley-his disclaimer of the pretensions exhibited by that officer to search the national ships of a friendly power for deserters, and the assurances of prompt and effectual reparation, all communicated without loss of time, to the minister of the United States in London, so as not to leave a doubt as to his Majesty's just and amicable inten- į tions. But his Majesty, making every allowance policy, the controversy which preceded the for the irritation which was excited, and the mis- declaration of war.

apprehensions which existed, has authorized me Whilst Great Britain had reason to be exto proceed in the negotiation upon the sole dis

continuance of measures of so inimical a ten-tremely cautious in negotiation, for, as we shall dency."-Mr. Rose to Mr. Madison, see hereafter, France had laid a deep plot

against her through the United States!-the was highly prejudicial to the United States. latter country, on the other hand, would jeal- Their commerce had received the severest ously, but most unworthily, guard against con- blow it had yet suffered, from the hands of ceding, except for its own obvious benefit, and their own rulers. Despair settled on the minds not always even then, anything likely to of all who depended for their livelihood on strengthen the hands of the British Govern- the sea. Merchants gloomily anticipated the ment in the terrible contest it was waging with time when their ships should sink beside their that colossal despotism which threatened to wharves, and grass grow in their streets. The bear down and obliterate, beneath its wither- British Order in Council-they said—had left ing tread, the last vestige of free institutions them some traffic, but the acts of their own in Europe.* legislature had cut every thing off. By men who were never tired of asserting their free On the application of and inalienable right to the highways of the ocean, the occan had been treacherously abandoned.

Additions to the U. S. troops voted by Congress, with supplies.

the President at this

time, an addition was

made to the army of 6,000 men, to be enlisted for five years unless sooner discharged. Authority was likewise given to him to raise 100,000 troops; whilst a subsidy of five millions of dollars was voted for the establishment of the arsenals, and for other military supplies.

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Non-intercourse

For the embargo was Act, 1st March, 1508. substituted, on the 1st March, 1808, a non-intercourse act, whereby all commercial transactions with either of the belligerent powers was absolutely prohibited, but the embargo was taken off as to the rest of the world. This act, however, contained a clause (§ 11.) authorizing the President, by proclamation, to renew the intercourse between America and either of the bellige rent powers who should first repeal their obnoxious orders in council or decrees. "This non intercourse act"-observes Mr. Alisonhad the effect of totally suspending the trade between America and Great Britain, and inflicting upon both these countries a loss tenfold greater than that suffered by France, with which the commercial intercourse of the United States was altogether inconsiderable."

In his message to Congress of 5th Novem ber, 1811, Mr. Madison, at that time president, spoke thus with reference to what he termed "the hostile inflexibility" of Great Britain"Congress will feel the duty of putting the United States into an armour and an attitude demanded by the crisis, and corresponding with the national spirit and expectations.' years before, upon the passing of the embargo act, The Intelligencer, an official journal, did not hesitate to write in this inflammatory strain:"The national spirit is up. That spirit is invaluable. In case of war it is to lead us to conquest. In such event, there must cease to be an inch of curred between the passing of the nonBritish ground on this Continent." And this intercourse act and Mr. Jefferson's retirement was when the second Order in Council had only from his second term of office on the 3d of

With a

3d March, 1809.

Nothing of note oc

been heard of, but not yet made public. government, so fiercely thirsting for strife with March, 1809. He declined presenting himself Britain, was friendly negotiation likely to be suc- for election a third time, both because—as cessful? Was an amicable adjustment of difficulties possible with the spirit which possessed he stated-he considered a third tenure of them? Hildreth cites a remarkable incident office would be alien from the spirit of the conwhich exhibits, in a strong light, the unhappy stitution, and because, as it seems, he was hostility to England at this period (1807-8). How strong and prevalent this antipathy to England thoroughly weary of the cares and distracwas, fully appeared on the floor of Congress. A tions of public life. On the eve of his retiresuggestion by Livermore, of Massachussetts, that, ment into private life his language was this since the United States were driven by invincible necessity to choose between the belligerents, a -"never did prisoner released from his regard as well for commercial interests as for the chains feel such relief as I shall on shaking independence of nations, ought to induce them to off power." He was a man of great ability; side with Great Britain, was received with marked indignation, almost as if there had been but, unfortunately, both for Great Britain and something treasonable in it." his own country, his strong anti-British pre

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judices stood very much in his way in admi- not stifled when republicanism in France had nistering, with impartiality and wisdom, the been fairly shackled and put under-foot by government with which during eight years military and imperial despotism; so that his he was entrusted. We can make allowance heart, it seems, still went lovingly with the for the perplexities and annoyances of the ruthless soldiers of France, even when the time during which he held the reins of power; "sacred" flame of republicanism had long but, had Washington been in his place, with vanished from the points of their swords. his dignified and sagacious views of relations But, if Mr. Jefferson's administration, in point with Great Britain, we have little doubt that of French predilections, was bad, that of Mr. he would have brought his country through Madison, his successor, was vastly worse. Both the dark and trying time, not by nourishing were decided in their bias towards Napoleon the war-spirit as Jefferson did, but by firmly Buonaparte; but whilst the former was too facing and repressir g it. It was an inauspi-'dextrous and wary to be made the tool of cious circumstance that, just at that critical, French intrigue, the latter-there is too much time, the chief magistracy of the United reason for believing-was completely entanStates should have been vested in a man gled in its toils.

(To be continued.)

BERLIN DECREE.

whose heart was filled with hatred of Great Britain; and who had more than once patronized and placed in positions of authority disaffected subjects of the British Crown.* Liberally endowed, as he unquestionably was, with natural talent, this was greatly recom- "1. The British islands are placed in a state of blockade. 2. Every species of commerce and mended and rendered in a very considerable conmmunication with them is prohibited ; all letdegree practically influential, by agreeable ters or packets addressed in English, or in the manners and plausible address. As to his English characters, shall be seized at the postreligious opinions, we believe that all that can oflice, and interdicted all circulation. 3. Every British subject, of what rank or condition whatebe said in their favor is this-that he admired ver, who shall be found in the countries occupied the morality of the Gospel. His belief in by our troops, or those of our allies, shall be any of the articles of the Christian faith what-made prisoners of war. 4. Every warehouse, merchandise, or property of any sort, belonging soever would seem equivocal, if on no other to a subject of Great Britain, or coming from its account, from his letter to the notorious Tho. manufactories or colonies, is declared good prize. mas Paine, in which he invited that avowed 5. Commerce of every kind in English goods is prohibited; and every species of merchandise beand immoral enemy of divine revelation to longing to England, or emanating from its workthe bosom of his country, with " prayers shops or colonies, is declared good prize. 6. The for the success of his useful labors." A dis- half of the confiscated value shall be devoted to ciple-as he was-of that philosophy which been seized by the English cruizers, for the losses indemnifying those merchants whose vessels have overthrew the throne of the French monarch, which they have sustained. 7. No vessel comand brought its unhappy occupant to the ing directly from England, or any of its colonies, or having touched there since the publications of guillotine, his sympathies were thoroughly the present decree, shall be received into any har-with France and against Great Britain. Nur- bour. 8. Every vessel which, by means of a false tured under the congenial associations of declaration, shall have effected such, entry, shall French republicanism,† his sympathies-as be confiscated, as it they had also belonged to be liable to seizure, and the ship and cargo shall with many others of his countrymen-were England. 9. The prize court of Paris is intrusted

Duane, for example, to whom Mr. Jefferson gave a colonel's commission in the U. S. militia, and the editorial charge of the Aurora newspaper, had been shipped off just before from Calcuttahaving been detected in attempts to excite disturbance and insurrection in that city.

We do not mean to say he approved of its bloody atrocities: perhaps the wildest democrat in the United States would have hesitated there.

with the determination of all questions arising out of this decree in France, or the countries occupied by our armies; that of Milan, with the decision of all similar questions in the kingdom of Italy. 10. This decree shall be communicated to the kings of Spain, Naples, Holland, and Etruria, and to our other allies, whose subjects have been the victims, like our own, of the injustice and barbarity of English legislation. 11. The ministers of foreign affairs, of war, of marine, of finance, and of justice, of police, and all postmasters, are charged, each in his own department, with the execution of the present decree."

CHAPTER II.

From the commencement of Mr. Madison's Administration to preparations for War.

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CONTENTS.

Mr.. Madison's Inauguration, 4th March, 1809.-Negotiation of Mr. Erskine with Mr. Madison. Rejoicing in the United States.Mr. Erskine's arrangement disavowed by the British Government.-Mission and Recall of Mr. Jackson. Decree of Rambouillet; May 18th, 1810.-Pretended Revocation of the French Decrees; 1st November, 1810.French Seizures and Burnings still continued. Mr. Pinckney's departure from London; 1st March, 1811.-Engagement between the United States frigate President, and His Britannic Majesty's sloop of war Little Belt; 16th May, 1811.-The President's War Message; 4th November, 1811. -Report of Committee on Foreign Affairs, recommending the raising of 10,000 regulars and 50,000 militia; 29th November, 1811.— Numbers voted increased to 25,000 regular troops; 12th January, 1812.-Was there, to any extent, a secret understanding between the United States and France.

guration, 4th March, 1809.

stimulated by the complete cessation of com mercial intercourse produced by the war, has rendered the market which Great Britain now finds in the United States for her manufactures, greatly inferior to what it ought to have been, considering the rapid increase in the population of the neighbouring republic, and to what it certainly would have been but for the war. At the time of Mr. Madison's accession, the Non-intercourse Act of the 1st March 1809 was, of course, in operation, which, it will be remembered, bore equally upon both of the belligerent powers; and contained a clause giving to the President the power of renewing trade with that one of the two contending nations which should first revoke its hostile edicts, so far as these affected the United States.

Negotiation of Mr.
Erskine with Mr. Madi-

Mr. Madison's Inau- Mr. Jefferson, with Mr. Rose, the British whose retirement from son. Envoy before mentioned, office we closed our last chapter, was suc- who returned home, re infecta, in the spring ceeded by Mr. Madison, who, on the 4th of 1808, was succeeded by Mr. Erskine. He March 1809, took the oath of office, with the was the son of the celebrated Judge Erskine, ceremony usual on such occasions. It may and a man of talent; but of a sanguine tembe taken as a hint of what was to be the perament; very favourably disposed towards future policy of his country, in their efforts the United States, partly, no doubt, from to make themselves as independent as pos- his having resided there; and too readily sible of British manufactures, that he was confiding in the fair professions of those old dressed at his inauguration in a full suit tacticians-Messrs. Madison, Gallatin, and of cloth of American manufacture." The Smith, with whom, during his negotiation, circumstance was significant; and sufficiently he had to deal. When we make the remark evinced the determination of the United that these last named gentlemen had the States to continue indebted to Great Britain advantage of Mr. Erskine in the way of expefor no more than was imperatively necessary. rience and ingenuity, we do not wish it to be The President's attire indicated the spirit of understood that we consider them as having the nation; and that spirit, still further made promises to the British minister which

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