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rescinded. How much is it to be regretted," Did the justification of the British Orders we are ready to say, that they had not been in Council depend merely on the non-repeal rescinded before, when the grounds for of the French Decrees, they might then, revocation were the same, and the revoca- indeed, well enough stand, since every tion would not have come, as it did at last, arrival from Europe brought news of fresh too late! Menaced with augmented embar-seizures and condemnation of American vesrassments; surrounded by affecting evidences sels, under cover of those very edicts of of public suffering, and symptoms by no means dubious of an outbreak amongst the lower classes of the people; with the prospect of a diminished revenue at a time when its burthens, entailed by the war with Napoleon, were enormous, the British Cabinet, unhappily, thought it their duty to hold on

their course.

French Seizures and Burnings still conti nued.

which the repeal was so boldly alleged." With Mr. Hildreth's testimony we leave this topic: "As to the alleged repeal, by France, and the refusal of Great Britain to repeal her orders, which had been made the occasion, first of the revival of non-importation from Great Britain, and now of war; not only had no decree of repeal been produced; not only had no captured American vessel Nothing can show ever been released by any French prize court more conclusively the on the ground of such repeal, but all the justice of styling Buonaparte's conditional public documents of France; the Duke of revocation of his Decrees "a pretended Cadore, in his report to the Emperor, of revocation," than the fact, that the French December 3, 1810; the Emperor himself, in still persisted in capturing vessels belonging his address to the Council of Commerce, of to the United States, seizing their cargoes, March 31, 1811; and the Duke of Bassano, and, in many instances, burning the ships in his recent report of March 10, 1812; all after the cargo had been removed. Buona- spoke of the Berlin and Milan Decrees as parte, it is true, to save appearances, did subsisting in full force, the cherished policy relcase by his special license, and not on the of the Empire." Here surely, is ample ground of the alleged revocation, some evidence to show how unmerited was the United States' merchant-ships which had imputation attempted to be fixed upon Great been detained in French ports; but this Britain, of having falsified her pledge. was all he did. During the summer of 1811, French privateers in the Baltic and Mediterranean took every American vessel After ineffectual efforts they fell in with, and carried them for conto carry out his views demnation into the ports of Italy, Dantzic, and wishes, Mr. Pinckney requested, and, and Copenhagen. At the very moment on the 1st March, 1811, obtained his audiwhen the Congress-Committee of November, ence of leave from the Prince Regent. In 1811, were making their report, in which his letter to Mr. Smith, the United States they called their countrymen to arms, and Secretary for Foreign Affairs, describing the spared no force of language to rouse the interview at Carlton House, he informed deadliest resentment against "British in his government that the Prince Regent had justice and outrage," at that very moment conveyed to him " explicit declarations of —when France seemed to be as effectually the most amicable views and feelings towards forgotten as though it had formed a part of the United States." The business of the some distant planet,- -a small squadron of legation was left in the hands of a Charge French frigates, evading the British surveil- d'Affaires. From this time the government lance, which might have done the United of the United States acted as if the French States some service, had escaped from the edicts were revoked; though, as we have Loire, and were pillaging and plundering shown, captures and seizures were still American vessels in the Atlantic. Great going on; whence French ships were adreason, then, had Lloyd for expressing him- mitted into the ports of the United self as he did, in the Senate, on the 27th States, whilst those of Great Britain were June, 1812,-after the declaration of war: excluded.

Mr. Pinckney's departure from London: 1st March, 1811.

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Engagement between the United States frigate President, and His Britannic Majesty's sloop May, 1811.

of war Little Belt: 16th

Whilst the diplomatic | or four times, by Captain Bingham's relations of the two coun- manoeuvres, she at length succeeded tries exhibited this state obtaining. At about a quarter past eight, of growing alienation, an the vessels were within hail, the distance incident occurred at sea, which threatened between them being less than a hundred to precipitate the rupture which the discus- yards. Up to this hour the accounts on sion about the Orders in Council was steadily both sides agree; but here we meet with bringing on. On the 16th May, about most perplexing discrepancy in the narra 14 or 15 leagues from Cape Charles, Captain tives of the two commanders. Captain Bingham, of the British sloop of war Little Bingham thus states the matter: "I hailed, Belt, at that time looking for her consort, and asked what ship it was? He repeated the Guerriere, for which she had dispatches, my question. I again hailed, and asked came in sight of a frigate, with which, on what ship it was? He again repeated my the supposition that she might be the Guer- words, and fired a broadside, which I imriere, Captain Bingham endeavoured to mediately returned." Commodore Rogers, close. When he had approached sufficiently on the other hand, gave in this statenear, he displayed his private signals; and on these not being answered, he took it for granted that the frigate was an American, abandoned the pursuit, and steered to the south. The frigate in question was the President, Commodore Rogers, which was cruizing in those waters, as one of the home squadron, for the protection of the commerce of the United States. The President, from some motive on the part of her commander which it seems hard to reconcile with amicable intentions, gave chase to the other vessel, so soon as the latter had changed her course. The pursuit of the Little Belt, in the first instance, was after wards accounted for in the manner we have already stated; but, even at the time, it would naturally have occurred to the Commander of the President that his ship must have been mistaken by the other for either a British or French vessel, and whether that other was British or French could have made no difference to him, as his nation was not at war with either Great Britain or France. Why, then, should he have given chase? He had no antagonist at sea. But, to proceed. As the President was evidently gaining, Captain Bingham, deeming it advisable to speak the stranger before dark, lay to atan offer which Captain Bingham declined.

ment: "I hailed, What ship is that? To this inquiry no answer was given; but I was hailed by her commander, What ship is that? After a pause of fifteen or twenty seconds, I reiterated my first inquiry; and before I had time to take the trumpet from my mouth was answered by a shot, that went into our mainmast." The action, however brought on, became general, and lasted for about three-quarters of an hour, at the end of which time the fire of the Little Belt was silenced, as she was reduced almost to a wreck, and none of her guns could be brought to bear. Commodore Rogers stated, that, after four or five minutes he desisted from firing, as he perceived that his adversary was very inferior: but the officers of the Little Belt made no mention of this pause. After the action, Commodore Rogers hailed again, and ascertained the name and characer of his small,* but spirited antagonist. He then gave his own, after which the two vessels separated for the night. In the morning, the Commander of the President sent a boat on board the Little Belt, with a message, expressing his regret that the unfortunate collision had taken place, and tendering assistance to his crippled adversary,

half-past six o'clock,-having by that time The Little Belt then made the best of her

discerned the stars in the President's broad pennant, and, to guard against surprise, prepared his ship for action. The other approached slowly, with a light breeze, and, as if with hostile intentions, made several efforts to secure the weatherly gage, which, after having been frustrated in some three

way to Halifax, severely damaged, with eleven

A glance at the plate will show the reader the vast difference in size between the vessels. We may take this opportunity of remarking, that, with but two or three exceptions, there was a disparity of force, in favor of the enemy, in every naval action throughout the war.

The President's War
Message, 4th November,

The President, at the close of the year, having

men dead and twenty-one wounded. The Americans, we must attach great weight to President suffered but trifling damage, and a remark made by Captain Bingham :-" By lost none of her crew-one only being wound- the manner in which he (Commodore Roed, and that slightly. No censure was gers) apologized, it appeared evident to me passed on either of the Commanders by that, had he fallen in with a British frigate, their respective Governments. Captain he would certainly have brought her to action. Bingham was deservedly applauded, for so And what farther confirms me in that opibravely fighting a vessel of 18 guns against nion is, that his guns were not only loaded one of 44; whilst Commodore Rogers, after with round and grape shot, but with every having been brought to an open court-mar- scrap of iron that could be collected." As tial, at the request of the British minister at the British Government was satisfied with Washington, was honourably acquitted. the disavowal of hostile orders on the part of During this inquiry, several of his officers the United States Government, the matter and crew were examined, who bore out his was allowed to drop: and the excitement statement, that the Little Belt fired the first arising from it at the moment soon died shot. To attempt a decision of the ques- away. tion, "Who fired the first shot?" seems a hopeless undertaking, where the evidence on either side is directly contradictory,- 1811. captain against captain, and ship against called Congress together after a shorter ship: yet it is but just to make the remark, recess than usual, communicated to them, that both the probability of the case, and on the 4th November, a message, in which, other circumstances, distinct from the testi- after enumerating the subjects of complaint mony given in, are greatly against the against Britain (of which we have already American. It is not probable that a vessel said enough), he suggested the appeal to of eighteen guns should have attacked arms in these words,-" Congress will feel another of forty-four. No hostile design the duty of putting the United States into can be attributed to Captain Bingham; for an armour and an attitude demanded by the his orders, which were made public after the crisis, and corresponding with the national encounter, expressly cautioned him against expectations." giving any unnecessary offence to the government or the people of the United States'; and an attack of his on an American frigate would have been a flagrant violation of those orders, such as-we may conceive-no man in his senses, how daring and impetuous soever, would have attempted. The orders, on the other hand, under which the President sailed, were never published, which is somewhat singular; but the United States government disavowed, to Mr. Foster, the At the very time that British minister, the issuing of any orders standing between the the angry majority in of an unfriendly character. In regard to France? Congress were preparing the American orders, however, it is connected the unhappy collision. with our subject, though it may not be of with Great Britain, the privateers and much importance to state, that an opinion cruizers of France,, as we have said, unvery generally prevailed in the United States, der the professed revocation of the French as Mr. Hildreth, the American historian, in- decrees, were repeatedly making capforms us, that "Rogers had pursued the tures of American vessels, and seizing Little Belt, with the very purpose of aveng- their cargoes. It was less than one month ing on her the still unatoned-for attack on prior to the declaration of war against the Chesapeake." In relation to this sus- Great Britain, that a correspondence was picion of a hostile purpose on the part of the laid before Congress, by the President, be

Nov. 29. The Committee on Foreign Affairs

recommended the raising of 10,000
regulars and 50,000 militia, with other pre-
parations; but, such was the passionate
ardour of the Legislature, that the num-
bers voted were, by a majority
Jan. 12, 1812.
of 109 to 22, increased to 25,000
and a loan was agreed to of

regular troops,
ten millions of dollars.

Was there, to any extent, a secret under

United States and

had given equal provocation. "As the injuries (said they) which we have received from France are at least equal in amount to those we have sustained from England, and have been attended with circumstances of still greater insult and aggravation; if war were necessary to vindicate the honour of the country, consistency and impartiality required that both nations should have been included in the declaration." We have

tween Mr. Barlow, the American minister the rights, the interests, the honour of their at Paris, and the Secretary of State, in country."* The contrast is too obvious to which the former communicated to his govern- be overlooked ;-the temper of "sudden ment the vexatious intelligence that his quarrel" towards Great Britain,-the longefforts to conclude a treaty with France had suffering with France. The bias in Napoleon proved abortive, and that no redress had, as Buonaparte's favour appears in a still strong yet, been obtained for the seizures and con- er light; if it be truly alleged-as has fiscations either prior or subsequent to the been done that there was a general imrelaxation of the French decrees. It is pression in the United States that the repeal evident, then, that Buonaparte's relaxation of of the Orders could not be far distant; and his decrees in favour of the United States, that, acting under that impression, the was not honestly carried out. The grievan- democratic party did their utmost to press ces of which they complained at the hands the declaration of war before intelligence of of France were, on their own showing, un- the expected repeal should have reached redressed; and yet the President of the America. Be this as it may; the small, but United States found himself unable to "re-able minority expressed in energetic terms commend to the consideration of Congress their sense of the inconsistency of declardefinitive measures in respect to France," ing war with one adversary only, when two in that very message which called his countrymen to arms against Great Britain. In that message, every subject of discontent with the British Government was paraded in the manner, and with the embittering language, best calculated to inflame, to the highest degree, the rising passions of the nation. No peace; no breathing-time; no further waiting, for what the future might still bring forth as the foundation of pacification, was to be permitted. It is true, the United States had waited long,—had suffered long; and too long, also, had the British Ministry-as it proved-withheld the concession which, had it been made sooner, might not, perhaps, have wholly sweetened the bitter waters of strife, but would, at least, have strengthened the friends of peace in the American Congress, whilst, in corresponding measure, it would have embarrassed the fiery spirits in that body, and have prevented possibly, (though we do not feel sure of this,) the outbreak of war. But, if the patience of the United States had been tried by Great Britain, (which we do not deny,) it had been tried, perhaps with equal severity, by France too; and yet so unequally did the spirit of retaliation work!-the wrongs charged upon Great Britain were to be fiercely and promptly effaced with blood; whilst those which had been suffered, and were still endured, from France, remained a matter for discussion; Congress, in regard to these, still taking time to decide with greater advantage on the course due to

* President's Message of 1st June, 1812.

Other passages, besides the two we have incorporated with the text, are worthy of republication.

Delegates from several Counties of the State of
I "Resolutions passed at a Convention of
New York, held at the Capitol, in the City of
Albany, on the 17th and 18th days of Septem-
ber, 1812."

injustice of the present war, taking solely into
"Resolved, that without insisting on the
consideration the time and circumstances of its
declaration, the condition of the country, and
state of the public mind, we are constrained to
consider, and feel it our duty to pronounce it a
most rash, unwise, and inexpedient measure;
the adoption of which ought for ever to deprive
its authors of the esteem and confidence of an
have received from France, are at least equal
enlightened people-because, as the injuries we
in amount to those we have sustained from
England, and have been attended with circum-
if war were necessary to vindicate the honor of
stances of still greater insult and aggravation-
the country, consistency and impartiality re-
quired that both nations should have been in-
cluded in the declaration. Because if it were
deemed expedient to exercise our right of
selecting our adversary, prudence and common

already recorded our persuasion, that Mr. into their minds to suppose that the interests Madison was entangled in the toils of French of the United States would be best promoted intrigue; and we have not formed that by selecting for their adversary the one opinion without, as we think, sufficient evi- of the two offending nations which, in peace, dence. Still we do not desire to convey the maintained with them the closest relations, impression, in itself preposterous, that either founded on a commerce eminently prosperMr. Madison or his coadjutors were so de- ous and profitable; and, in war, had the void of patriotism, as to be simply desirous means of giving them the heaviest blows? of serving France, without a primary regard The force of this objection was felt by the to what they considered would best conduce minority, whose language we have already to the interests of their own country. It quoted: "If it were deemed expedient (they may be asked, however, how could it enter urged) to exercise our right of selecting our

because of a war begun with such means as our rulers had prepared, and conducted in the mode they seem resolved to pursue, we see no grounds to hope the honourable and successful termination."

of all existing differences, inasmuch as, by the confession of the present secretary of state, satisfactory and honourable arrangements might easily be made, by which the abuses resulting from the impressment of our seamen, might, in future, be effectually prevented-Therefore,

Resolved, That we shall be constrained to consider the determination on the part of our rulers to continue the present war, after official notice of the revocation of the British Orders in Council, as affording conclusive evidence, that the war has been undertaken from motives entirely distinct from those which have been hitherto avowed, and for the promotion of objects wholly unconnected with the interest and honour of the American nation.

sense dictated the choice of an enemy, from whose hostility we had nothing to dread. A war with France would equally have satisfied our insulted honour, and at the same time, instead of annihilating, would have revived and extended our commerce-and even the evils of "Whereas the late revocation of the British such a contest would have been mitigated by Orders in Council, has removed the great and the sublime consolation, that by our efforts we ostensible cause of the present war, and prewere contributing to arrest the progress of des-pared the way for an immediate accommodation potism in Europe, and essentially serving the great interests of freedom and humanity throughout the world. Because a republican government, depending solely for its support on the wishes and affections of the people, ought never to declare a war, into which the great body of the nation are not prepared to enter with zeal and alacrity; as where the justice and necessity of the measure are not so apparent as to unite all parties in its support, its inevitable tendency is, to augment the dissentions that have before existed, and by exasperating party violence to its utmost height, prepare the way for civil war. Because, before a war was declared, it was perfectly. well ascertained, that a vast majority of the people in the middle and northern states, by whom the burden and expenses of the contest must be borne almost exclusively, were strongly opposed to the measure. Because we see no rational prospect of attaining, by force of arms, the objects for which our rulers say we are contending-and because the evils and distresses which the war must of necessity occasion, far overbalance any advantages we can expect to derive from it. Because the great power of England on the ocean, and the amazing resources she derives from commerce and navigation, render it evident, that we cannot compel her to respect our rights and satisfy our demands, otherwise than by a successful maritime warfare; the means of conducting which we not only do not possess, but our rulers have obstinately refused to provide. Because the exhausted state of the treasury, occasioned by the destruction of the revenue derived from commerce, should the war continue, will render necessary a resort to loans and taxes to a vast amount-measures by which the people will be greatly burthened, and oppressed, and the influence and patronage of the executive alarmingly increased. And, finally,

Resolved, That we contemplate with abhorrence, even the possibility of an alliance with the present Emperor of France, every action of whose life has demonstated, that the attainment, by any means, of universal empire, and the consequent extinction of every vestige of freedom, are the sole objects of his incessant, unbounded, and remorseless ambition. His arms, with the spirit of freemen, we might openly and fearlessly encounter; but, of his secret arts, his corrupting influence, we entertain a dread we can neither conquer nor conceal. It is therefore with the utmost distrust and alarm, that we regard his late professions of attachment and love to the American people, fully recollecting, that his invariable course has been, by perfidious offers of protection, by deceitful professions of friendship, to lull his intended victims into the fatal sleep of confidence and security, during which, the chains of despotism are silently wound round and rivetted on them."

In the same strain, during the debate on

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