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sion upon principles, a perfect understanding upon the chief matter itself, had studiously avoided. They united therewith a string of grievances, which they considered they might regard as a consequence of the former administration of the State, and of the repeal of the previous Constitution of the Country; and from a cursory perusal of which it was evident that the embarrassments which the Country must necessarily have suffered, under that Constitution of the State, in consequence of the inevitable circumstances of the times, and which were indebted to our powerful intervention for the utmost possible amelioration, had been in a most unfounded manner laid to the charge of our administration of the Government.
In this state of things, the hope that the presence of the Assembly of the Representative Estates would be taken advantage of for the consideration of those Affairs of the Country which were suited for their Constitutional co-operation, could not be otherwise than most remote, and it was undeniable that so long as the Constitution of the Kingdom, considered as the basis upon which the efficiency of the Representative Estates of the Country was to be founded, was still opposed on the part of those Estates, the existence of so numerous an Assembly would be perfectly without effect.
As, moreover, it might with reason be imagined that the Representative Estates had, by the detail of complaints which they had brought forward, exhausted whatever they had to adduce in that respect, and as it was to be foreseen, from the extent of the objects comprehended in their Report, that the minute investigation of the same which we had ordered would require a prolonged period; we therefore determined to prorogue the Assembly of the Representative Estates of the Country, until such time as we should be placed by the propositions of our Officers of State in a situation to take decisive measures on individual points and on the whole matter; to examine thoroughly the abuses pointed out; and, wherever it should appear necessary, to adopt other legal regulations and arrangements, in a Constitutional manner.
But further, with respect to the Constitution itself, in order that no time might be lost, and, that no opportunity for the mutual explanation and understanding of the intentions of each party might be neglected, we united, at the same time with the declaration of this our decision, an invitation and request to the Assembly of the Representative Estates of the Country, to depute Plenipotentiaries for the purpose of continuing the negotiations with our Royal Commissioners.
The Assembly, however, would not be satisfied with the appointment of mere Plenipotentiaries for the object pointed out, but insisted upon leaving behind them a reduced Assembly of the Representative Estates of the Country, consisting of 25 Members, with the President and 2 Secretaries; with the further stipulation, that such reduced Assembly should exercise all the functions appertaining, in their collec
tive capacity, to all the Members of the Assembly of the Representative Estates in their absence.
As we found this demand to be so much the less adapted to circumstances, as, on the one hand, the desire of the Representative Estates to be themselves peripanently represented by a Committee, depended on the result of the negotiations on this main point which were still unsettled, and could not, therefore, in the mean time be provisionally granted ; and as, on the other hand, so long as the Assembly of the Representative Estates did not regard its own esistence as legal, it could not depute the performance of its functions, which were based on the New Constitution, to a Committee to act in its behalf; we therefore confined ourselves to our former invitation and request and gave moreover the Representative Estates to understand that, with respect to those of the Members who were to be left bebind, for the purpose of continuing the negotiations, we would not limit them to the former number of 4, but rather that we would not object to twice or thrice that number of Members remaining for this object.
Our Counter-Resolution, however, in the further Report which was given in by the Representative Estates of the Country in answer, was, with reference to the form and substance of it, replied to in a manner which was by no means calculated to induce an expectation that a further submission would be attended with any satisfactory result whatever.
We were therefore pleased to resort to the prorogation, which however was not decided upon without good reasons; and we are compelled now, in consequence of the Assembly of the Representative Estates having been broken up, without their appointing Commissioners for the purpose of continuing the negotiations, to restrict ourselves to the public contradiction, by the production of facts, of the statements contained in the Reports presented by the Representative Estates of the Country, by which our intentions were placed in a false light; in order, on our own part at least, to do everything which can contribute to place our loyally-disposed Subjects in the full enjoyment of the advantages intended for them.
For this purpose we declare, that we will not permit ourselves to be shaken in our intentions on behalf of our good People and faithful Subjects, by the conduct of the Assembly of the Representative Estates before described, and by the sentiments with which such conduct must have inspired us.
We, therefore, give our loving and trusty Subjects the solemn assurance that, far from allowing them to snffer in consequence of the refusals of their Representatives, we are disposed to confirm anew all the privileges, exemptions, and preferences accorded and conceded, as well to Individuals as to the whole mass, in the Constitutional Law of 15 March
We will therefore allow the Assembly of the Representative Estates
of the Country which has been prorogued by us, if it will again Constitutionally assemble upon our summons, to exercise and enjoy unrestrictedly, in their fullest extent, all the Rights and Privileges conceded to them by that Constitutional Act, and will apply with the former disposition whatever means may be calculated to lead to the establishment of mutual confidence.
Given at Ludwigsburg, the 6th August, 1815. COUnt de REISCHACH,
FREDERICK. Minister of the Interior, Minister of State and of Conference.
INSTRUCTIONS from the British Government to the
Governor of Newfoundland, relative to the Privilege enjoyed by Citizens of The United States, to Fish within British Jurisdiction.- London, 17th June, 1815.
Downing Street, 17th June, 1816. As the Treaty of Peace lately concluded with The United States, contains no provisions with respect to the Fisheries, which the Subjects of The United States enjoyed under the IIIrd Article of the Peace of 1783*, His Majesty's Government consider it not unnecessary, that you should be informed as to the extent to which those privileges are affected, by the omission of any stipulation in the present Treaty, and of the line of conduct which it is in consequence advisable for you to adopt.
You cannot but be aware, that the IIIrd Article of the Treaty of Peace of 1783, contained 2 distinct stipulations; the one recognizing the Rights which The United States had to take Fish upon the high seas, and the other granting to The United States the privilege of
Definitive Treaty of Peace and Friendship between Great Britain and The United States.- Paris, 3d September, 1783. (Article III.) It is agreed, That the People of The United States shall continue to enjoy unmolested the right to take Fish of every kind on the Grand Bank, and on all the other Banks of Newfoundland ; also in the Gulph of St. Lawrence, and at all other Places in the Sea, where the Inhabitants of both Countries used at any time heretofore to fish. And also that the Inhabitants of The United States shall have liberty to take Fish of every kind, on such part of the Coast of Newfoundland, as British Fishermen shall use, (but not to dry or cure the same on that Island ;) and also on the Coasts, Bays, and Creeks of all other of His Britannic Majesty's Dominions in America ; and that the American Fishermen shall have liberty to dry and cure Fish in any of the unsettled Bays, Harbours, and Creeks of Nova Scotia, Magdalen Islands, and Labrador, so long as the same shall remain unsettled; but so soon as the same, or either of them, shall be settled, it shall not be lawful for the said Fishermen to dry or cure Fish at such Settlement, without a previous agreement for that purpose with the Inhabitants, Proprietors, or Possessors, of the Ground.
Fishing within the British Jurisdiction, and of using, under certain conditions, the shores and Territory of His Majesty for purposes connected with the Fishery: of these, the former being considered permaneat, cannot be altered or affected by any change of the relative situation of the 2 Countries, but the other being a privilege derived from the Treaty of 1783 alone, was, as to its duration, necessarily limited to the duration of the Treaty itself. On the declaration of War, by the American Government, and the consequent abrogation of the then existing Treaties, The United States forfeited, with respect to the Fisheries, those privileges which are purely Conventional, and (as they have not been renewed by stipulation in the present Treaty,) the subjects of The United States can have no pretence to any Right to fish within the British Jurisdiction, or to use the British Territory for purposes connected with the Fishery.
Such being the view taken of the question of the Fisheries, as far as relates to The United States, I am commanded by His Royal Highpess the Prince Regent, to instruct you to abstain most carefully from any interference with the Fishery, in which the subjects of The United States may be engaged, either on the Grand Bank of Newfoundland, in the Gulf of St.-Lawrence, or other Places in the Sea. At the same time you will prevent them, except under the circumstances bereinafter mentioned, from using the British Territory for purposes connected with the Fishery, and will exclude their Fishing Vessels from the Bays, Harbours, Rivers, Creeks, and Inlets of all His Majesty's Possessions. In case, however, it should have happened that the Fishermen of The United States, through ignorance of the circumstances which affect this question, should, previous to your arrival, have already commenced a Fishery, similar to that carried on by them previous to the late War, and should have occupied the British Harbours, and formed Establishments on the British Territory, which could not be suddenly abandoned without very considerable loss; His Royal Highness the Prince Regent, willing to give every indulgence to the Citizens of The United States, which is compatible with His Majesty's Rights, has commanded me to instruct you to abstain from molesting such Fishermen, or impeding the progress of their Fishing during the present year, unless they should, by attempts to carry on a contraband trade, render themselves unworthy of protection or indulgence : you will, bowever, not fail to communicate to them the tenor of the Instructions which you have received, and the view which His Majesty's Government take of the question of the Fishery, and you will, above all, be careful to explain to them that they are not in any future Season to expect a continuance of the same indulgence.
I have, &c. Vice-Admiral Sir Richard G. Keats.
CORRESPONDENCE between the Emperor of Russia and
the British Plenipotentiary, relative to Poland.-Vienna, October, November, 1814.
LIST OF PAPERS.
1814. Page. 1. Viscount Castlereagh to the Emperor Alexander
Vienna .. 12th October 1173 Annex. British Memorandum
1175 2. The Emperor Alexander to Viscount Castlereagh.
Vienna, .. 30th October .... 1176 Annex. Russian Memorandum
1176 3. Viscount Castlereagh to the Emperor Alexander......
Vienna .. 4th November .... 1178 Annex. British Memorandum..
1179 4. The Emperor Alexander to Viscount Cas. tlereagh.
Vienna .. 21st November .... 1180
No. 1.-Viscount Castlereagh to the Emperor of Russia. (Extracts.)
Vienna, 12th October, 1814.
I should wish to offer iny sentiments to Your Imperial Majesty, upon the present occasion, as little as possible in an Official character. I should desire to be allowed to speak to Your Imperial Majesty as an Individual, whom circumstances had associated in an humble sphere to the great Work, which Your Imperial Majesty has now prominently conducted to the eve of its completion. Having attended Your Imperial Majesty's Head Quarters, and followed your footsteps throughout many of the difficulties and uncertainties of the Contest. I must be permitted to feel more than an ordinary share of personal solicitude, that the close may correspond with the character of the undertaking, and that Your Imperial Majesty may, by your influence and by your example, inspire the Councils of Europe at the present conjuncture, with that spirit of forbearance, moderation, and generosity, which can alone secure to Europe the repose for which Your Imperial Majesty has contended, and to Your Majesty's name the glory that should surround it.
I cannot, however, so far abstract myself from the Public Situation in which I am placed, that it should not occur 10 Your Imperial Majesty, that it is The Prince Regent's Minister that addresses you.
In this view permit me, Sire, to recall to your attention, that, except so far as British Interests may be affected through the inte. rests of Europe, Great Britain is the last Power, whose separate in. (1814-15.)