her for the future. The King replied that this might be burdensome, if not exhausting, to us. I thought not; nothing would be considered burdensome while vindicating our rights. But what of your finances? They are ample, I rejoined; they had not been much drawn upon as yet, although all the supplies of our army since entering the territories of Mexico had been fully paid for in cash from our own army-chest; but henceforth, perhaps, the enemy might be made to bear some of the cost, in the hope that an appeal in that form might operate in favor of peace. Although His Majesty commenced with the apt quotation I give, he soon reverted to his favorite theme of peace. Whatever might be our power, he devoutly wished for peace, as the friend of the United States; not that he was the foe of the other party; that was not his feeling; it was not for him to decide on the grounds of dispute between us; in all wars each side thought itself in the right. Might we not, he asked, by drawing out our military power, get too fond of war, and keep up large standing armies to retain conquests if we made them? though it was not for him to predict results of any kind, nor did he. I said there was little fear of our keeping up large standing armies; our institutions were against them, as well as the nature of our population, which would be always likely to yield volunteer forces. Our distance also from the great Powers of the Old

World, made large standing armies unnecessary. But, as wars would happen, and as Mexico had forced this upon us, as we believed, I asked the King whether the prospects at present did not suggest ultimate views, bearing favorably upon French interests, which His Majesty could judge of better than I could. In the commerce of the North Pacific, the United States or England, I remarked, seemed destined to predominate; at present we were ahead in the whale fishery, and other branches of a growing trade in those regions; and the blindness of Mexico was throwing upon us the obvious necessity of consolidating our interests on the shores of the Pacific from California to Oregon. I spoke in no ill spirit towards England, with whom our interests inculcated the best relations of friendly good will at all times, but was only glancing at a future that might be before us. Such were my remarks to the King.

His Majesty gave no opinion as to the future predominance of England or the United States in those seas, though rather expressed a belief that our commercial flag would prevail there; he remembered how we laid the foundations of early success by our activity in the carrying trade during the wars of the French Revolution; as to France, she deprived herself of benefits she might obtain in commerce, by being too restrictive; but what were to be all the results of the English

policy, which had latterly gone so far the other way, seemed uncertain as yet; he did not defend monopolies; free trade, with some regulation, being the best. It was to this effect he expressed himself.

The Mexican war was lost sight of in what the King had been saying on commercial policy; and as it was among my instructions to get better terms in trade with France than existed, she still keeping up heavy duties on our productions, while we have been reducing ours on hers, I improved the opportunity of alluding to this subject. Bringing up one item, I expressed a hope that the tobacco monopoly might be made to give way for the sake of our Southern States, in some of which that commodity had always been grown, and could be produced in much larger quantity. Considering the present consumption of tobacco in France, I could not avoid the conclusion that if our tobacco were admitted into the country under a moderate duty, its increased consumption would so augment importation as in the end to make amends to France even in revenue for the loss of the monopoly. It was so I spoke; but His Majesty did not acquiesce. The monopoly yielded more than a hundred millions of francs, he said, in annual revenue, and he was not prepared to say what would be the effect of a change. Besides, even were he disposed to think well of it, that would make no difference; his was

but "a voice in the wilderness," and a public conviction long entertained in France on matters of trade was not to be easily changed.

My hopes for our tobacco were in some degree damped by these remarks from this source. I did not, however, consider the subject as put to rest, meaning to return to it again with the King's Minister for Foreign Affairs, whose enlightened mind I knew; but I dropped the conversation about it at the Palace. It would have been out of place in me to originate this part of the conversation; but the King opened the way to it, and I was aware of the business mind and habits of His Majesty; knew that he was industrious; looked into every branch of the public administration; informed himself of every thing, seeking out details as well as principles; and therefore naturally inferred that his experience and knowledge, gained throughout the vicissitudes of an eventful life in various countries, would predispose him but the more to seek truth upon the throne. The King beckoned me to the chair next to him when he began the conversation; this memorandum of which will come under the notice of my Government. Generally he stands while in conversation with the foreign ministers.

In mine with him this evening relating to Mexico, I was led to infer, but it was only an inference, that he silently desires our success, now that he thinks the war is sure to go on; but that

he is distrustful of our power to command success to the extent we suppose.

November 16. Dined yesterday at Mr. Rumpft's, chargé d'affaires of the Hanse towns, who entertained the Diplomatic Corps. He married an American lady, which seems a link to my country. If this may have led to the commencement of friendly relations between us in Paris, his own worth strengthens them. After dinner I go to Mr. Walsh's.

November 19. We dine at Mr. Hottinguer's, the eminent banker, long known in Paris for his friendly hospitality to Americans, and his just estimate of our country. In conversation in the course of the evening on the state of public opinion in France, outside of partisan circles, it was stated, as a good omen of the financial condition of the country, that the large loan of upwards of three hundred millions of francs, authorized by the Chambers at the close of the session, had gone off well, notwithstanding the manner in which opposition papers assailed the terms. The fact was mentioned as showing public confidence in the Government, and as auspicious to the further prosperity of the country, the loan being for the benefit of the public works. It was said that the terms were thought fair by first-class business men who had taken no part of the loan.