purposes, have all been tending to impair the hopes which the Revolution at first created. Those who cherished them are reluctantly brought to perceive that the future is not only full of uncertainty, but overcast with gloom. The Insurrection is crushed, but the Insurgents live; and live with hatred in their hearts. The Assembly passed a decree for banishing all who were captured; but to send off to remote seas and islands six or eight thousand of them would not be easy. It may prove more difficult, though orders for it have gone forth, to disarm all the malcontents among an excited and spirited people accustomed to have arms, but in whose hands it might now be unsafe to leave them. Such considerations are discouraging. Though military power, directed by a strong hand, defeated this formidable Insurrection, the feeling it has left may reappear under other forms of trouble and revenge. The French commonalty, once roused, are quick to move, brave to ferocity when their blood is up, and fertile in expedients. Their prowess shown in the Insurrection, although it did not triumph, may have revived traditions of the old Revolution, and roused guilty hopes in bad men who will always find leaders. These are forebodings that steal into anxious minds. They cannot be kept down after what has happened. Martial law is still in operation in Paris, General Cavaignac recommending it; and his voice is now

the most potent. Too true it also is that society at large has come to feel more safe under its shield.

Others say that the suppression of the Insurrection, however deplorable the cost, will be productive of good. It has shown the power of the Republic, in a in a face-to-face conflict, over the dangerous doctrines which the Revolution stirred up; that such a conflict was inevitable, and best that it should have come when it did. This opinion receives countenance from the facts that not only were the National Guards of Paris hearty and unflinching, but that those from the Provinces hurried to the capital to share in putting down the Insurrection; and that even the rural population, inspired by the same good feeling, were seen to go forward in the cause of law and order. The cry of Vive la République still goes up, in the Assembly and out of doors, on every occasion to excite it. It has been uttered from the beginning by those who did not believe in a Republic for France. That this class has been growing larger is evident; yet all seem bent on giving the Republic a fair trial, which it will have, they say, when the new Constitution comes into being, and not until then. Count Montalembert, M. Dupin, M. Thiers, Odillon Barrot, Léon Faucher, Victor Hugo, and others of high name in the Assembly are favorable to a double Legislative Chamber. Should this altera

tion be made in the Constitution before its final adoption by the Assembly, speaking as an American, I should have higher hopes of its successful operation. Will the declaration which guarantees labor to "all citizens" be retained, after the experience of the Insurrection, which grew out of the impossibility of the Government's being able to provide labor for all after having promised it to all? I am not able to reply to an inquiry so natural.

And where is now the Executive Committee of Five; they who dispensed the whole Executive power of France; who received Foreign Ministers and appointed them? Where is Lamartine, who was all in all? who rode in the whirlwind and at first kept down the fury of the storm? who saved society by his courage and a flash of eloquence?who kept peace at home and abroad, receiving plaudits from all but the Red Republicans, the most dangerous of whom he defied and tamed? Where is he? Hardly seen, or seen only as a star setting. But the good he did cannot soon be forgotten. His genius is left to him; and he knows the delights of literature; a fondness for which revolutions can neither give nor take away.

But I turn from thoughts which involuntarily spring up from what passes around me, whatever may be their errors. None can understand a country, or have full claim to speak of its future, but those who belong to it, or live in it long enough to

catch its whole genius and characteristics. There are times when even these are brought to a stand in judging-get perplexed by complications they cannot disentangle. How much more liable to err is the transient person! How often are those of other countries baffled in passing upon the condition of England! How often, and often how soon, are predictions respecting her resources and prospects overset by opposite results! There come persons to the United States who carry away opinions which, to ourselves, seem mistakes at every turn-wrong inferences from imperfect knowledge, even where truth may be honestly sought. How then can strangers hope to look into the veiled future of France?

July 10. To-day I dined at the Marquis Brignole's, the Sardinian Ambassador; the first time I have dined out since the close of February. It was a treat to get back to quiet intercourse with the Diplomatic Corps, after the boisterous scenes France has been going through; and I regretted the unavoidable absence of my daughters, who were to have been with me. I do not hear much of social intermingling among its members since the hurricane that scattered us all. had each a little to say on what has been passing. I learned that the Sardinian Government recognised the Republic two days ago. Rather a large even

Those here to-day

ing-party assembled in the rooms after dinner. Rumors floated through them that another outbreak of some kind was expected on the 14th of this month, being the anniversary of the destruction of the Bastile.

Mr. George Lafayette, who was chosen a VicePresident of the National Assembly the early part of June, to fill the vacancy created by M. Bethmont's appointment as Minister of Justice, was elected again to that station since the present month came in. The vote for him was the largest among several candidates. I mention with renewed pleasure this second tribute to him from the Assembly.

July 12. Yesterday the Assembly passed a bill, by an overwhelming vote, for the formation of a camp of fifty thousand troops, to be stationed within the city or its environs. The measure was proposed by General Cavaignac some days ago.

Secondly. The press has been laid under restrictions beyond any in the time of the Monarchy. The Abbe de Lamennais gives up his paper in consequence of one of them-the caution-money required; saying, he had not gold enough to pay it.

Thirdly. The political clubs are all to be bridled. A bill to this effect has been brought forward in the Assembly by the Minister of the Interior. Citizens are at liberty to open a club, provided