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with a pronunciation purely French, but tinged with the German.

October 10. In the Assembly yesterday, the new Constitution being under discussion, the President read an amendment proposed by M. A. Thouret, in these words: "No member of the families which have reigned in France can be elected President or Vice-President of the Republic."

The mover of the proposition advocated it in a few words. Another member, M. Woirhaye, rose and stated that the subject of the amendment had been under consideration in the committee and rejected; for, although it was thought that royalist and imperial families were not the best qualified for acting upon Republican ideas, the democratic principle was too deeply rooted in the country to cause fears to be entertained of what were called pretenders.

Other members spoke, some one way, some

another.

Louis Napoleon ascended the tribune, and briefly said that he did not come to speak against the amendment, or make complaint of calumnies; but, in the name of the 300,000 electors who had chosen him, to disavow the appellation of pretender so constantly brought against him.

M. A. Thouret hereupon said, that after that declaration he considered the amendment useless,

and withdrew it. Nevertheless it was put to the vote, and rejected; Louis Napoleon not voting upon it.

October 16. After the Republic came in, I was charged by the Secretary of State to give attention to the subject of the tobacco monopoly. I brought it to the notice of M. Bastide, who gave me no encouragement, but the reverse. The new Government wanted, he said, all the revenue attainable, and could not afford to part with so considerable an item as tobacco yielded,—but intimated his willingness to look more into the subject hereafter. I brought it to the notice of M. Drouyn de l'Huys, chairman of the Committee of Foreign Relations in the National Assembly, with no better success, his reasons being much the same; and I lost no opportunity of introducing it as a topic in my intercourse with such members of the Assembly as I thought might be likely to appreciate what I said about it. None gave much attention to the doctrine I held up, that, by admitting our tobacco under a moderate but fair duty, its increased importation into France might result beneficially to the trade of both countries. That might or might not follow; but loss of present revenue would be certain if they changed the laws relating to tobacco. It was in this way all my advances were met.

But still more to the point:-On the 22d of June,

M. Thouret laid a proposition before the Assembly that the sale of tobacco and snuff should no longer be exclusively in the hands of the Government, but be open and free. The proposition did not receive twenty-five votes out of the whole Assembly, and thus fell to the ground; that number of assenting votes being required before any proposition can come before the Chamber, even for consideration. This vote would seem to show that public opinion in France is in favor of the monopoly, when we consider that the members have all so recently been chosen by universal suffrage throughout all parts of France.

The vote is discouraging to any favorable changes for us in any respect, at least for the present, in the French tariff, over the laws regulating it in the time of the Monarchy. The King's words to me at St. Cloud, in November, that "a public conviction long entertained in France in matters of trade was not easily altered," receives confirmation from this vote. The Provisional Government, on coming into power, abolished the Octroi, a duty on meats, liquors, and other things within the limits of Paris, but soon restored it. The Republic also kept up the salt tax, of which the King recommended a reduction. These matters I have made known to my Government.

It ought not to be overlooked that the Republic succeeded to heavy debts from the Monarchy; and

that these debts and other arrearages, from the subsequent falling off of trade and derangement of credit, have been increasing, in the absence of all ability, thus far, to effect any reductions of them.

October 27. Prince Louis Napoleon yesterday went to the tribune, and read, amidst profound silence throughout the Chamber, a paper to the purport following:

Addressing the body as citizen representatives, he said, that the unpleasant incident which closed the discussion of the preceding day did not allow him to keep silence: he deplored being obliged again to speak of himself; it was repugnant to his feelings to be unceasingly bringing personal matters before the Assembly, when not a moment was to be lost in attending to grave public questions. He would not speak of his own sentiments: they had already been explained: no one ever had occasion to doubt his word. As to his conduct in the Chamber, as he never could permit himself to call any of his colleagues to an account for what they did, he recognised in no one the right to demand of him explanations of his course: he owed that account only to his constituents. He was accused of accepting from the popular feeling a candidateship which he never claimed; he accepted that honor because three successive elections, and the unanimous decree of the National Assembly against

the proscription of his family, authorized him to believe that France regarded the name he bore as able to aid in the consolidation of society, shaken to its foundations, and make the Republic prosperous. (Loud exclamations of dissent among the members.) They who accused him of ambition knew little of his heart; his silence was turned into a reproach against him; it was only a few who were gifted with the power of eloquent language in the service of just ideas in that Chamber. But was there no other way of serving the country? What it wanted was acts it wanted a wise and firm Government, which would think more of healing the wounds of society than of avenging them, and which could overcome, better than bayonets, theories not founded on experience and reason: (fresh dissent.) He would not fall into snares set in his he would pursue way; the straight-forward course he had traced out for himself. Nothing should disturb his calm, nothing make him forget his duty. He had but one object, which was to merit the esteem of the Assembly and of all men of worth, and the confidence of a magnanimous people. He would reply, henceforth, to no interpellation-to no provocation. Strong in his own conscience, he would remain immovable under all attacks, impassable against all calumnies.

His allusion in the commencement was to some sharp-shooting on the day preceding, about candidates for the Presidency. In the course of it, he

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