be assigned to that nationality. After Randall was nominated it was deemed to be imperative that a German should be nominated for second place, but who should it be? That was the question. All the more prominent leading influential Germans had already joined the Democratic party, which had with rare wisdom and sound partisan policy given some of them good places at the public crib, and the Good Book asks a question that any fool would answer in the negative-“Doth the ox low that hath fodder?" Several nominations of Germans were made in the convention for Lieutenant-Governor, but none of them was well received. At length Sherman M. Booth took the floor and made a thrilling speech in favor of Carl Schurz. He gave some account of his antecedents, how as a student at the German university he had been mixed up with the rebellion of 1848 and had to flee his country in order to save his neck. As Booth and his State rights disciples-the writer among the rest-had sustained a mild form of revolution in supporting our Supreme Court in defying and nullifying an act of Congress, and all of us had repudiated a decision of the United States Supreme Court, the idea of Schurz being a revolutionist rather pleased us, and we thought if he was a red Republican, and we had all been stigmatized as black Republicans, he would answer our purpose very well! Others followed Booth, and Schurz was soon nominated for Lieutenant-Governor. Only a few had seen Schurz up to this time, but when he had been nominated and there was a call for him he came reluctantly forward and took the platform to return his thanks for the honor conferred. As he advanced the impression was not favorable. His tall, lank form and long legs were heightened by his dress, which was seedy, threadbare and ill-fitting. His coat sleeves and his trousers' legs were much too short, and his Emersonian nose, adorned with the ever-present gold-bowed spectacles, gave him a novel and picturesque appearance. A delegate sitting next to me whispered in my ear: "I guess we have done it now for certain"meaning, of course, that we had nominated the wrong man. But first impressions are often misleading, and they were in this case. He had spoken but a few words before he had the attention of the convention riveted upon himself. If the delegates were astonished

at his uncouth appearance, they were amazed at his eloquence and the charm and power of his masterly oratory. When he left the platform he also left the impression upon the mind of every onepresent that a man of splendid intellectual abilities had appeared among them, challenging their criticism and winning their admiration. This was the beginning of the political career of Carl Schurz, and it was the first step toward drawing a large class of his fellow Germans into the Republican party without whose support the party would have forever remained in the minority in Wisconsin. I do not think I give General Schurz too much credit when I say he made a thorough canvass of the State, and although he was beaten at the polls by a few hundred majority, he made converts to the Republican cause wherever he spoke, and thousands of his nativity were converted to the true politcal faith by his eloquent speech, and flocked to our standard.

Two years later he was a candidate for the nomination for Governor himself, against Governor Randall, much to Randall's disgust, and he went into the convention with considerable of a following. A feeling of rivalry had sprung up between him and Governor Randall, which was also slightly tinged with animosity, and the State Convention in 1859 that had to decide between them was a stormy one. Mr. Schurz was offered the nomination again for Lieutenant Governor, but as he had made the race once and been beaten, and as he had now attracted national attention to himself by his eloquent advocacy of Republican principles, he peremptorily declined the honor. He came to this city and opened a law office in company with Gen. Halbert E. Paine, but before they got settled down to practice law the civil war broke out and they closed up their law office and went into the military service of their country. Both won distinction in the Union army. After Appomattox, General Paine represented the Milwaukee district. in Congress for two terms, defeating James S. Brown in the first race and Alexander Mitchell the second time. General Schurz settled in St. Louis after the war, and as brains were always in great demand in Missouri, he soon got elected to the Senate of the United States from that State. It is needless to say that his career in the Senate was creditable to him in the highest degree,

although he felt it to be his duty at times to assail the policy of the party with which he at first won distinction and which first brought him into public notice. He did not wander far enough from the fold of Republicanism, however, to prevent President Hayes from giving General Schurz a seat in his cabinet, he being the first German-American who has ever been elevated to a similar position. He was as efficient in councils of the cabinet as he had proved himself to be in every other public position with which he had been intrusted.

General Schurz formally withdrew from the Republican party in 1884, when James G. Blaine was nominated for the presidency, and he stoutly supported Mr. Cleveland in all his campaigns. He gave his services to the cause of sound money during the last campaign, and the speech he delivered in Chicago on financial subjects was one of the ablest, clearest, most exhaustive, most complete and satisfactory that was uttered by any man anywhere during the exciting and important contest. The masterly address will forever remain a classic on the money question.

While General Schurz remained in this State he was greatly aided in getting to the front and staying there by Horace Rublee, who was his faithful, steadfast friend from first to last. No one knows better than Carl Schurz how a public man is helped to climb the ladder of fame by the constant support, counsel and advice of a wise and discreet editor of a widely circulated and reliable daily paper. During their warm and intimate friendship which lasted over forty years, they never disagreed upon any public question of vital importance but once, and that was upon the subject of State rights, after our Supreme Court had nullified the Fugitive Slave Law, in the Booth case, the opinion of Chief Justice Taney to the contrary notwithstanding. General Schurz took sides with Sherman M. Booth, James H. Paine, Byron Paine, Judge A. D. Smith, et al., while Mr. Rublee stood firmly with Timothy (). Howe, and contended for the supreme federal authority in construing the acts of Congress. Schurz saw his mistake also, afterwards, and abandoned his untenable position; but it was not until his pathway had been illuminated by the fierce glare of the rebels' cannon as they shot down the national flag that waved over Fort Sumter.

CHAPTER XIII.

THE STORMY TIME BEFORE THE CIVIL WAR.

The Ship of State under the command of Capt. Alexander W. Randall encountered some rough weather during her first voyage of two years' duration, the Governor disagreeing with the Republican majority in the Senate about the confirmation of a gentleman whom Randall had nominated for State Auditor. The Senate refused to confirm the appointee, whereupon the Governor got into an unseemly rage and made a threat that he would resign if the Senate did not give in. It did not give in, nor did the Governor resign. When the Republican State Convention met in the fall of 1859 to nominate State officers, there was serious opposition to the renomination of Governor Randall. A strong feeling of jealousy, if not positive dislike, had sprung up between Carl Schurz and the Governor, growing out of a suspicion on the part of Schurz that Randall did not set forth his qualifications for the office of Lieutenant-Governor in his campaign speeches, as Schurz thought he might have done, and Randall entertained the belief that if Schurz had stayed in the State and looked after his own fences the whole Republican ticket might have been elected.

Mr. Schurz felt very sore over his defeat and allying himself with the disaffected portion of the Republican party he went industriously about getting support for the nomination for Governor himself in opposition to Randall. When the convention assembled the circumstances that surrounded it were not favorable to promote harmony and brotherly love in the Republican camp. Schurz had a very respectable following, especially among his German-American fellow citizens, with whom he was always a great favorite, and the late John P. McGregor was also in the field, backed by many resolute friends. Randall thought he was

entitled to a renomination at the hands of the convention, and the opposition that was developed made him exceedingly angry. Gen. James H. Paine of Milwaukee, who never liked Randall, was a vigorous supporter of Mr. Schurz, and he led the Schurz forces on the floor of the convention with signal ability. The contest was a hot one, and when Randall was finally renominated he was in a very bad humor. In this frame of mind he appeared before the convention with the committee sent out to inform him of his nomination, and he made about the hottest speech ever listened to on a similar occasion. It was anything else than a speech of thanks for the honor conferred. He roundly abused the delegates who had opposed him, and the opinion was general, and openly expressed, even by those who had supported him, that if he had made it before his nomination, the nomination never would have been made at all. He pretended that he could not remember the names of all of his opponents, so obscure and unknown were they, and he alluded to Mr. McGregor, one of the prominent candidates for the nomination, as "the man from Portage city."

The Democratic candidate for Governor that year against Randall was Gen. Harrison C. Hobart, the representative of the younger men of his party, and a gentleman who had already taken an active part in the direction of its affairs. He had made an unsuccessful race for Congress against James Duane Doty in 1850, ran again in 1856 against Charles Billinghurst, and he had been a member of the State Senate and Speaker of the Assembly. At that time he was quite as well known to the people of the State as Randall. The two Central Committees soon arranged for joint debates between the heads of the tickets "on the political issues of the day," to be held at the principal cities of the State. Personally, the two intellectual gladiators were very evenly matched, both having had much experience in public affairs, and both being ready and logical debaters. General Hobart was heavily handicapped by the misdeeds of "Barstow and the Balance," the heavy defalcation of Edward H. Janssen, the last Democratic State Treasurer, and Barstow's unsuccessful contest for Governor. Added to this was the rising tide of anti-slavery