greater than 150,000 men, to be maintained by France, and under a commander in chief nominated by the allied powers. Particular conventions were made for liquidating the claims of different powers on the French Government. Such was the bitter cup of humiliation which France was doomed to drain, after so many triumphs over her neighbours, enjoyed with so little moderation. As she had risen higher under her late Ruler than at any former period, so she was called upon to submit to a greater abasement. The terms imposed were however a proof of the dread still entertained of her power.

With respect to her internal condition, the past experience of the rapid changes it has undergone, the known restlessness and impetuosity of the national character, and the present superintendence exercised by foreign armies, render wholly vague all conjectures on this head for the future; and even throw much uncertainty on the actual state of things. The press is no medium

of information to be depended upon, since journals and periodical works are under a supervision, not less strict on account of its being privately exercised. In the published debates of the two chambers, we see an intemperate and almost incontrollable ardour for speaking, and much violence of language and manner, together with an apparent ardour of loyalty, breaking out in mobbish shouts of Vive le Roi; and what seems more important, a preponderance of what is termed ultraroyalism, which opposes the moderation of the court and ministers respecting political criminals, and inclines to carry retrospective punishment to the greatest practicable severity. This spirit has been particularly displayed in the debates on the proposed law of amnesty, with which the year concluded, and seems to forebode a stormy season to come, unless Government shall have acquired the strength and the wisdom to hold the helm with a steady hand.

IN

N the new political system of Europe, few circumstances are more worthy of attention, or apparently pregnant with more important consequences, than the union of the seventeen provinces of the Low Countries under one government. The last year closed with manifest preparations for such a design. The Prince of Orange had been placed by the allied powers at the head of the government of the ten catholic provinces ; and the numerous strong places of that country had been occupied by garrisons composed for the most part of British and Hanoverian troops, with a mixture of Dutch and Belgic, obviously intended as a protection against French arms and French influence. The final developement of the plan was, however, professedly reserved to the termination of the congress of Vienna. Long before this period, that assembly came to a decision on this momentous subject; and a letter from the Prince-Sovereign of Hol. land to the secretary of state at Brussels, dated February 23rd, announced that by the unanimous consent of Austria, Russia, England, France, and Prussia, all those parts of Belgium which for

merly belonged to the first of those powers had been placed under his sovereignty, with the exception of some portions of the territory of Limburg and Luxemburg. With such an assignment of territory, the Prince of Orange acquired the regal title; and in a speech delivered to the Dutch States-general on March 16th, he declared his resolution of taking possession of the supreme authority over all the United Netherlands, and at the same time of investing himself with royalty. An address was returned by the States expressive of their entire satisfaction as well with the Belgic union, as with the new title assumed by the sovereign.

The recovery of the supreme power in France, by Buonaparte, was an event peculiarly menacing to the stability of the Belgic throne, since it could not be doubted, that if he should establish his authority, the first employment of the French arms would be to regain the influence of that nation in the Low-Countries. The most active efforts were therefore immediately made to place the frontier on the French border in a state of defence.

Troops under the command of the Duke of Wellington, were called from different quarters, and a powerful Prussian army under Marshal Blucher prepared for cooperation. That strong suspicions at this time prevailed respecting the affections of the Flemish people was rendered manifest by a proclamation issued at Brussels on April 20th, appointing a special court to take cognizance of, and punish, all such persons as either by discourse or actions showed themselves partizans of a certain foreign power," or attempted to excite discontent and sedition among the inhabitants. The battle of Waterloo, so im portant to all Europe, was particularly decisive of the fate of Belgium, since it was the result of the direct attempt of Buonaparte to take possession of Brussels. On that and the preceding days all the fluctuations of hope and fear were observable in this capital, according to the different intelligence transmitted from the armies; and it cannot be doubted that party feelings were displayed in the several changes; but the final success left only one expression of the public voice, that of joy and congratulation for a great deliverance. Belgian troops had fought along with the allies in the conflict, and the hereditary Prince of Orange had received an honourable wound in the cause.The city of Brussels distinguished itself by humane attentions to the wounded strangers, especially the British, and obtained the acknowledgments of the great Commander on the occasion. The King of the Netherlands, who remained at the Hague, commu

nicated, by means of his son, the satisfaction which he felt with the conduct of his Belgian subjects in the preceding actions, and assured them that the blood they had shed had irrevocably effaced the last doubt that might have subsisted respecting the solidity of the new kingdom, and the union of its inhabitants"-words which will be seen to imply more than they express.

On July 13th a report was presented to the King of the Netherlands from the committee appointed to draw up the constitution for the kingdom. Its particulars are too numerous to admit of abridgment; but some of the provisions may be mentioned by which the points most essential to a free representative government are secured. The legislative power is assigned jointly to the King, and the States-general elected by the provincial States, who are themselves elected by all the inha bitants of the kingdom interested in its prosperity. All arbitrary arrests are forbidden, and every individual arrested by order of government is to be brought within three days before his legal judge. Judicial sentences are to be pronounced in public, and their causes assigned. Houses to be inviolable, and property not subject to confiscation. The right of petitioning is recognized. No privilege exempts from taxes. Every subject is eligible to all employments without distinction of birth or religion. No other restraint to the liberty of the press but the responsibility of writers, printers and distributers. Liberty of conscience is guaranteed. The provincial States are charged with

every thing relating to the internal economy of the province; their president to be a commissioner appointed by the king. The national representatives to be divided into two chambers; the higher to consist of members nominated by the king, and for life. The plans of laws deliberated on in the council of state, are sent by the king to the chamber of elected deputies, and if there adopted, are sent to the other chamber for examination. The latter also receives and discusses all propositions made by the elected chamber to the king, and transmits them if approved. The sittings of the States-general are made public. The independence of judges is guaranteed. The right of making peace and war is committed to the Sovereign. The crown is declared hereditary in the house of Nassau. On July 18th a proclamation was issued by the king, notifying the union of the United Provinces with Belgium, as agreed upon by the allied powers, and accepted by himself, with the leading articles of that union. The first of these is, that the two countries shall form one state, governed by the constitution already established in Holland, modified by consent according to the new state of things. It declares that the Belgian provinces shall be duly represented in the States-general, which are to be held alternately in a town of Holland, and in one of Belgium. It mentions the appointment of the committee and the presenting of the report above cited; but says, that before the introduction of the fundamental law, his Majesty has resolved to convince himself of the assent VOL. LVII.

of his subjects, for which purpose he has convoked deputies, or notables, from each district, to be the organs of the general opinion.

The constitutional plan was laid before a special assembly of the States-general of the United Netherlands, on August 8th, and its unanimous acceptance was announced on the 19th by a deputation which waited on the king.

One great difficulty which might be foreseen in effecting a coalescence of the whole Netherlands under one form of law and government, arose from the very different feelings concerning religion which prevailed in the two portions of the country. The se ven Dutch provinces were in a great measure indebted for their prosperity to that principle of general toleration in which they long stood distinguished among the nations of Europe, and which was fundamental in their political system. The ten Flemish provinces, on the contrary, from the time of their separation from the others, adopted in its extreme the exclusive maxim of the Roman catholic church, and acquired the character of some of the most bigoted and intolerant members of that community. The attempts of the Emperor Joseph to enforce a toleration of different religions were reckoned among his most heinous violations of the Belgic rights, and were finally defeated with the rest of his projects. It might be supposed that the great political changes since his time, and particularly the long subjection of those provinces to France, would have produced a change in men's opinions on this subject, and this was probably the case [H]

with respect to the body of the laity; but among the high clergy, whose prejudices and interests combined in the support of the ancient system, there existed all the former repugnance to admit a principle equally hostile to both. The operation of these combined motives was remarkably manifested by the publication of an address from certain of the Belgian prelates to the King of the Netherlands, dated July 28th. Beginning with the king's assurance in his proclamation of confirming to the catholic church its estab lishment and privileges, they affirm that these are inconsistent with an article in the plan of the new constitution, by which equal favour and protection are promised to all religions. They next endeavour, historically, to prove the incompatibility of such a toleration with the canonical laws and fundamental principles of the catholic church. They say, "We are bound, Sire, incessantly to preserve the people entrusted to our care from the doctrines which are in opposition to those of the catholic church. We could not release ourselves from this obligation without violating our most sacred duties; and if your Majesty, by virtue of a fundamental law, should protect in these provinces the public profession and spreading of these doctrines, we should be in formal opposition to the laws of the state." In a kind of menace, they proceed to inform the king, that such regulations, if confirmed, could only lead to a renewal of the troubles which desolated these provinces in the sixteenth century, and that they must, sooner or later, alienate the

hearts of his faithful subjects in this part of his kingdom, "with whom, attachment to the catholic faith is stronger and more lively than in any other country in Europe." From these purely religious complaints, they turn to another of a civil nature. "The clergy of these provinces have observed, not without pain, that your Majesty has been persuaded to exclude them from the assemblies in which the great interests of the state were discussed; that the plan of the new constitution contains honourable distinctions for the nobility; and that the clergy, one of the first class in the state, are deprived of them; that they will not even have the right of being represented in the provincial assemblies; that their influence on the acceptance of the new constitution is carefully removed, so that the most distinguished members of the clergy are not, according to the expressions of your Majesty's proclamation, among the persons most worthy of the confidence of their fellow-citizens; lastly, that they are not allowed to inscribe their dissentient votes on the lists of the notables." which contains many other remarks of a similar nature, was signed by the bishops of Ghent, Namur, and Tournay, and the vicars-general of Liege and of Malines. An ecclesiastical protest of this kind was capable at a former period, of lighting up a dangerous flame; at the present, it was more likely to throw discredit upon the religion of which it was the advocate, as being radically intolérant, and admitting no union with other forms of

This address,