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ister of the Interior, was preferred a new charge that of stealing from the telegraph archives the original dispatches between the late mystic monk Rasputin and Emperor Nicholas and Empress Alexandra. On conviction Protopopoff would be subject to a jail sentence.

Officials in Their Cells

A correspondent who visited the Fortress of Peter and Paul thus describes the prison cells of the former Ministers of the Czar:

In the bastion are more than eighty cells, some above and some below. I entered one of these cells. A room twentyone feet long and and about twelve feet broad, rather high, lit by one semicircular window almost at the ceiling. It is impossible to peep out of it, as the iron bed and the table are fixed to the wall. The window is stoutly barred with iron. The air in the cell is damp and stuffy.

The bed consists of wooden planks laid over the iron framework. It has a straw mattress and a single straw pillow. Above is a coarse cloth blanket. The table is painted dark gray. A water tap and basin are fixed to the wall and there are the necessary toilet utensils; nothing

more.

The cells below are furnished similarly, but they are much damper and colder. In them one feels the nearness of the waters of the Neva, the plash of which on the stone walls is heard by the captives. Every quarter of an hour the boom of the big cathedral clock bell reverberates through the bastion.

The captives have exactly the same rations as the soldiers, mainly stew, black bread, and soup. They are allowed to purchase no dainties. The same conditions apply to all, to Stürmer and Protopopoff, to the former Minister of War, Sukhomlinov, and his wife, to Fräulein Virubova-companion of the former Czarina and close friend of Rasputin.

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Sukhomlinov makes a painful impression on the observer. A thin old man with an unkempt gray beard and narrow little eyes. His troubled glance met ours as we peeped through the hole in the door. The notorious hangman the gendarmeries officer, Sobestchanki, lay on his bed, enveloped in tobacco smoke through which faintly appeared his cruel features. Stürmer, when I peeped in, was sitting, with bowed shoulders, on the end of his bed, his back to the door.

Fräulein Virubova sat on her bed, now and then crossing herself. Near her lay a crutch. Since her injury in a railroad smash on the Moscow-Windau-Ribinsk road two years ago she has had to get about with crutches.

Protopopoff, like a beast in its den, strode to and fro, to and fro, incessantly from corner to corner of his cell. He paid no attention to the sound of men moving in the corridor. He did not even glance at the hole in the door.

New Financial Measures

The Provisional Government issued a law June 29 increasing the existing progressive income tax to 30 per cent. on incomes over $200,000. Another new law increases the war tax on increment of industrial profits to 60 per cent. A third law establishes a supplementary progressive income tax, rising on the largest incomes to more than 30 per cent., and making, together with the highest ordinary income tax, 60 per cent. of the income.

The new Russian loan received subscriptions amounting to $1,500,000,000, bringing the total debt to $20,500,000,000.

A dispatch dated July 12 from Petrograd stated that the deposed Emperor Nicholas had appealed to the Provisional Government to allow him and the members of his family to acquire stock in the "Loan of Freedom." He announced that the amount of their investment in the loan depended upon whether the Russian State intended to support his family. He added that of his own property he possessed now only 900,000 rubles, his wife 1,000,000 rubles, his heir, Alexis, 1,500,000; his daughter Olga 3,000,000, and his other daughters between 1,000,000 and 2,000,000 rubles. The nominal value of the ruble is 51.46 cents.

The Grimm Episode

The German conspiracy for a separate peace received a severe setback when the General Congress of Workmen's and Soldiers' Delegates of all Russia, by a vote of 640 to 121, approved the attitude of the Government in expelling from Russia Robert Grimm, a Swiss Socialist pacifist, who had received the following com、 munication, when in Petrograd, from M. Hoffmann, member of the Swiss Federal Council:

Germany will not undertake an offensive so long as she considers it possible to arrive at an understanding with Russia. Numerous conversations with prominent politicians lead me to believe that Germany is seeking to conclude with Russia a mutually honorable peace, and a peace

which would result in the re-establishment of close economic and commercial relations with Russia; the financial support of Germany to Russia for her restoration; no intervention in the internal affairs of Russia; a friendly understanding with regard to Poland, Lithuania, and Courland; and the restoration to Russia of her occupied territories, in return for the districts of Austria invaded by Russia. I am convinced that if the allies of Russia desired it, Germany and her allies would be ready immediately to open peace negotiations.

On hearing of this document the Russian Government requested the Socialist Ministers MM. Tseretelli and Skobeleff to demand an explanation from M. Grimm, who handed to these Ministers a document in which he sought to prove that he had had no communication, either direct or indirect, on the subject of peace negotiations, and that the telegram mentioned above was an endeavor on the part of Germany to profit by his stay in Russia to re-establish the bonds of international Socialists and a general peace in the interests of the German Government; and, furthermore, that when in Berne having his passport viséd, he avoided all political conversations and all contact with the German Majority Socialists; and that finally, in his capacity of a Socialist, he could not be the intermediary for imperialistic peace projects between Governments.

MM. Tseretelli and Skobeleff found. these explanations unsatisfactory, and the Provisional Government therefore requested M. Grimm to leave Russia, and he left. The episode caused the resignation of M. Hoffmann from the Swiss Council.

Regiment of Russian Women

One of the most picturesque episodes of the return of Russia into the war was the formation of a woman's regiment known as "The Command of Death," which was reviewed at Petrograd June 21 by Minister of War Kerensky.

The Associated Press correspondent who visited the barracks found posted at the gate a little blue-eyed sentry in a soldier's khaki blouse, short breeches, green forage cap, ordinary woman's black stockings, and neat shoes. The sentry was Marya Skrydloff, daughter of Admiral Skrydloff, former commander of

the Baltic Fleet and Minister of Marine. Inside there were four large dormitories, the beds without bedding and strewn with soldiers' heavy overcoats. In the courtyard 300 girls were at drill, mostly between 18 and 25 years old, of good physique, and many of them pretty. They wore their hair short or had their heads entirely shaved. They were drilling under the instruction of a male Sergeant of the Volynsky regiment, and marched to an exaggerated goosestep.

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Commander Lieut. Buitchkareff plained that most of the recruits were from the higher educational academies or secondary schools, with a few peasants, factory girls, and servants. Some married women were accepted, but none who had children. The girl commander said:

We apply the rigid system of discipline of the pre-revolutionary army, rejecting the new principle of soldier self-government. Having no time to inure the girls gradually to hardships, we impose a Spartan régime from the first. They sleep on boards without bedclothes, thus immediately eliminating the weak. The smallest breach of discipline is punished by expulsion in disgrace.

The ordinary soldier's food is furnished by the guards' equipage corps. We rise at 4 and drill daily from 7 to 11, and again from 1 to 6. The girls carry the is cavalry carbine, which five pounds lighter than the regular army rifle. On our first parade I requested any girl whose motives were frivolous to step out. Only one did so, but later many who were unable to stand the privations left us.

We are fully official, and are already entered on the list of regiments. Uniforms and supplies are received from the Ministry of War, to which we render account and present reports. Yesterday the commander of the Petrograd military district reviewed us, and expressed his satisfaction. I am convinced that we will excel the male fighters.

Asked as to the attitude of the male army, Commander Buitchkareff said that only the Volynsky regiment, which led the Petrograd revolution, was really favorable. The regimental clerk is Mme. Barbara Rukovishikoff, editor of the weekly Woman and Economy and author of some admirable short stories.

Duma Refuses to Be Abolished The Pan-Russian Congress of Soldiers' Deputies on June 23 passed a resolution to abolish the Duma, but this was ignored

by the Duma, which passed a resolution on June 29 as follows:

The Duma, having powerfully contributed to the abdication. of Nicholas, and the formation of the provisional revolutionary government, which the entire country immediately recognized, thus showing its confidence in the Duma, and, having in this manner acted as a revolutionary institution independently of its position during the old régime, is of the opinion that it cannot cease to exist as an organ of national representation, and

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will adhere to its patriotic duty of raising its voice, if necessary, to preserve the fatherland from the dangers which threaten it, and guide it in the right path.

Courts-martial have been abolished by the Provisional Government. It is provided, when offenders are caught in circumstances of particular gravity the case will be submitted under forms of urgent procedure to a permanent military court.

Root Commission in Russia

HE first formal address to the Russian Government in behalf of the American Mission was made by Elihu Root, the Chairman, at Petrograd, June 15, (printed in July CURRENT HISTORY MAGAZINE.) The mission immediately plunged into active work, the various members taking up separately the various features, and dividing their functions. On June 22 the entire body proceeded to Moscow, where, at the palace of the Governor General, they met representatives of the Zemstvo and Municipal Unions, the Zemstvo Industrial Committee, and the local Council of the Workmen's and Soldiers' Delegates.

Root's Address at Moscow

The meeting was in the nature of a test case to determine whether the commission was to have the real sympathy of the Socialist element in the country. It is said here that no foreigner ever before succeeded in enlisting the attention and interest of this association of committees representing the working masses of Moscow. But as Mr. Root began to speak, antagonism and indifference yielded to rapt attention, and he was warmly applauded at the conclusion. In the course of his address Mr. Root said:

We have seen nothing since we came to Russia that gives cause for criticism. We marvel at the self-control, the kindliness of spirit, and the sound common sense that the Russians display. We feel that the work you are doing in the committees is on the right path toward an actual permanent democracy.

The Government of Germany, the German social system, even German socialism, are all militaristic in their essential nature. They shall not gain control of

free America, and if we can help you to prevent their gaining control of free Russia we shall be happy in feeling that we have assisted in the perpetuation of the ideals of our fathers who fought and sacrificed to make us free.

The representatives of the various groups replied, formally welcoming Mr. Root and the other members of the commission. At the second meeting, before the City Duma, Mr. Root said:

We have heard reports about dangers threatening your new liberty, but we hope you will find a way of expanding your experience in local self-government inco power which will govern the whole nation. We have the marvelous spectacle of a people remaining peaceful and preserving the rights of others without the enforcement of law-a people waiting only for the establishment of a strong Government, which will lay down the proper basis for law and order. You have made sacrifices in the past; we know that you will still make sacrifices to preserve your freedom, won at such a high cost. Now comes the test. You must make sacrifices. You must struggle until your liberty is secure. We have faith that Russia will do this.

The Mayor in reply said: "Russia welcomes America's assistance in her present period of infirmity and economic exhaustion." He concluded with a eulogy of President Wilson, saying: "The aims of the war, the definition of the problems standing before humanity have been given by your great pacifist, President Wilson, who, in preserving the ideal of peace, has realized the vital importance of the struggle. His way of speaking appeals to us."

On motion of the Mayor the meeting unanimously decided to send a telegram to President Wilson, thanking him for sending the Root Commission to Russia. The experiences at Moscow gave much

encouragement to the mission, and Mr. Root announced that he felt that the situation was rapidly clearing.

Admiral Glennon's Service

An interesting episode occurred at Sebastopol when the American Admiral, James H. Glennon of the mission, succeeded in tranquilizing sailors of the Black Sea fleet who had mutinied and dismissed all their officers. He arrived

soon after the sailors had sent away Admiral Koltchak. At the request of the sailors, Admiral Glennon addressed them, urging a continuance of the war without cessation.

He was heartily applauded. He also addressed a general meeting of representatives of all the councils of soldiers, sailors, and workmen of Sebastopol, where his advocacy of renewed energy in pushing the war was well received. After hearing the Admiral, the meeting voted, 60 to 3, to restore all the Black Sea fleet officers, with the exception of Admiral Koltchak and his staff, who were distrusted by the sailors. meeting also voted to support the Provisional Government. Conditions with the fleet since then have been tranquil.

Work of Mr. Russell

The

Charles Edward Russell, Socialist and a member of the American Commission, outlined the aims of the United States and the reasons which brought the country into the war before a full Council of Workmen's and Soldiers' Delegates on June 25. Mr. Russell was warned in advance that he might expect an unfriendly demonstration on the part of the extremists among his auditors, but for the most part his hearers were sympathetic, and often interrupted him with applause.

The declaration of Mr. Russell that the United States was fighting only because the democracies of the world were in danger, and that after democracy was safe the people would turn to social reform, was cheered to the echo.

M. Tcheidze, President of the Council of Workmen's and Soldiers' Delegates, in replying to the speech of Mr. Russell, said the democracy of Russia was built upon the same foundation as that of the United States, and that Russia would carry on the war until mutual aims were

achieved. The American Mission announced on July 10 that its purpose had been accomplished in a month's visit. Chairman Root sent this statement:

The mission has accomplished what it came here to do, and we are greatly encouraged. We found no organic or incurable malady in the Russian democracy. Democracies are always in trouble, and we have seen days just as dark in the progress of our own.

We must remember that a people in whom all constructive effort has been suppressed for so long cannot immediately develop a genius for quick action. The first stage is necessarily one of debate. The solid, admirable traits in the Russian character will pull the nation through the present crisis. Natural love of law and order and capacity for local self-government have been demonstrated every day since the revolution. 'country's most serious lack is money and adequate transportation. We shall do what we can to help Russia in both.

Stevens Railway Commission

The

John F. Stevens, as head of the American Railroad Commission in Russia, has officially reported recommending certain reforms and asking that Russia be given a credit of $375,000,000 in this country for new locomotives, cars, and other equipment.

The construction of workshops at Vladivostok for the putting together of locomotives imported from the United States is deemed necessary by the commission. In all repair shops work must continue uninterruptedly twenty-four hours a day, thus enabling a reduction in the percentage of locomotives out of use. It also will be necessary to take rational measures for the acceleration and regulation of exchange of cars between the different roads and for the. speeding up of the system of loading.

The creation of a special State Department, the chief of which will be an Inspector General responsible for seeing that the whole network of roads is supplied with all necessary material both for traffic and repairs, and also for the responsible distribution of such material between the different roads, is recommended by the commission. This official must have the right to demand the necessary material, and he himself must take measures to insure its delivery.

Russian Church Reforms

By Charles R. Crane

Member of United States Commission to Russia [Cable to The Chicago Herald, June 27, 1917, from Petrograd]

N the revolution that is taking place,

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the Russian Church is making more rapid progress toward adjusting itself to the new conditions than the State. It has practically been separated from the State and is now managing its own affairs. More changes were made in the Russian Church during the month of May than had been made in two centuries before.

The process has been one of democratization. Every priest has had to have his position confirmed by a vote from the people of his parish. Twelve Bishops have been dismissed, including the Bishop of Petrograd, and new Bishops have been installed only after election by congregations. The physical property of the churches has been transferred from the State and is to be administered by the congregations, the clergy and Bishops occupying themselves solely with theological affairs.

During the last weeks two very significant sobors, or assemblies of the Church, have been taking place at Moscow. One of them was that of Old Believers, who include some 15,000,000 people and who never were reconciled to the reforms of Nicon, representing the oldest and most uncompromising division of the Russian people. The other sobor was that of the Orthodox Church, the former State Church, and was the first one to meet in some 250 years.

They were the most representative gatherings it was possible to have in Russia, and the delegates came from every corner of the empire, two priests and two laymen being elected to represent every 100 churches, the whole body numbering 1,268 delegates. As the political organization is entirely shattered, the Church represents at present the only unifying fundamental idea.

The two most effective members of this

latter sobor were the former Archbishop of the United States, Platon, and Pastor Alexanderoff of a San Francisco church. In various questions that arise in the sobor the appeal was always made to these two authorities, as to the way these problems were solved in America, and their answer was usually enough to determine the action of the sobor.

John R. Mott, the leader in Young Men's Christian Association work, was invited to address the sobor, and every raember was present. His speech was interpreted, sentence by sentence, by Father Alexanderoff, who was in entire sympathy with Mr. Mott and who himself was a member of Mr. Mott's organization in San Francisco. It was a moving address and was received with great emotion.

Mr. Mott divided his address into three parts. The first was expression of gratitude for the many acts of friendship Russia had shown for America in the course of the last hundred years, with special emphasis on its enormous sacrifices during the present war, which the American people now recognize, he said, as having been made quite as much for them as for Russia. He also expressed his gratitude for the contributions the Russian Church had made to a common Christianity.

The second part of his address was the expression of solicitude lest in the great upheaval now going on the Church might lose its central position and that, although, if carefully arranged, the process of democratization ought only to strengthen the Church, the members must be very careful to guard historical Christianity, the creed, mystical Christianity, and vital Christianity.

The third part of the address was a message of hope and reassurance, and went over in detail America's plans for

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