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breathed with regard to the late Mrs. Southcott. But perhaps his wisdom has taught him to turn a deaf ear to their thoughtless malice. I am willing, in the present instance, to consider him poss

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as those of Julian, which I have quoted as my text, and to allow that he acts according to the dictates of sound policy. He knows that there is no species of superstition that human credulity will not embrace, if it is presented in the shape of

"and to gain them by gentle means; we ought not to hate, Lut to pity them. "They are already but too unhappy by "deceiving themselves in the most essen"tial thing upon earth."-Now,although I am no courtly parasite, and have the mis-essed of sentiments as amiable and liberal fortune to be devoid of that superstitious veneration for kings and princes, which disables many people from holding in just abhorrence the tyrannical Villain and the public Robber, because, forsooth, he is disguised from his fellow men by some high sounding but unmeaning nick-religion. name; is waited upon by a set of servants dressed like merry andrews, and rides in a gaudy chariot besmeared with the most ridiculous pictures caled coats of arms. Although, I say, I cannot pay a stupid homage to a set of worthless drones, merely because they are concealed | beneath the pop of title and the splendour of equipage, yet I trust I shall ever have the candour to praise merit, even when discovered in the Augean Stable of a Court.

He is well aware too, of the manner in which we receive all our ideas; and consequently is convinced that the errors of the mind are not voluntary errors, and, therefore, can, never be cured by constraint or persecution. He is fully sensible that if these people are deluded, TIME, the tryer of all things, will do more to open their eyes than violent opposition, which would only strengthen them in their faith, because, like the Saints of old, they would deem it an infallible evidence of the truth of their sys tem.--As an enlightened christian, and one whose mind soars far above the slavish priest-led-herd who bear that name, he is conscious that religious persecution cannot be defended upon the pure and simple principles of our holy religion as taught by Jesus, and therefore has de

Royalty is a soil seldom congenial to virtue and talent; consequently a single trait of goodness, or ability, in the claracter of a Prince, should attract our attention as the brilhant gem of the glow worm, shining with more lastre through the dark night of corruption. I am about to praise our gracious Prince Retermined that these people should be left gent, because it strikes me that le possesses a mind superior to vulgar prejudices. I cannot conceive him entirely ignorant of the sentiments promulgated by the time serving writers of our daily Journals, or of the opinions of the great bulk of society, relative to a particular Sect of Christians, and the celebrated female, whose name will be handed down to posterity as their founder, with as much eclat as Arius, Socinus, William Pean, or John Wesley. The Newspapers have been continually attacking both her and her followers, in the most scurrilous manner, and calling for legislative interference to suppress her doctrines; and the populace have been constantly wishing that the holy prophetess herself was either burnt, or imprisoned for life. These matters cannot have escaped the attention of a prince, whose business it is to make himself acquainted with every thing which concerns the people who suffer him to be their head servant. He must be aware of their clamour, and the persecuting spirit which they have

to themselves, and permitted to worship the Gods after their own mauner, instead of listening to the cry of "Crucify, Crucify," from an ignorant, bigotted, and misguided populace.-It is because I choose to consider that our good Prince has been governed by motives like these, that I attribute to him sentiments as amiable and as wise as those of JULIAN; but lest the illuatured, or envious, should deny him the approbation I would give him for christian charity, or philosophic liberality, I will endeavour to prove that he deserves the same meed of applause for the enlightened policy his conduct, on this occasion, has displayed.-Some persons may say that the conduct of princes ought to be attributed to their advisers; but they should recollect, that it is their foolish and wicked actions alone that their ministers are accountable for, and that every act of grace, wisdom, and clemency, usually proceeds. from the monarch himself. Upon this principle, therefore, I think proper to applaud the judgment and prudence

of our prince, in preventing any legisla-nexation to the United States, was the declared tive interference with regard to the new object of the American Government. If, in consemillenial doctrine of our prophetess, quence of a different course of events on the contiand shall proceed to give my reasons ment of Europe, his Majesty's Government had for so doing. been unable to reinforce the British armies in Cana

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da, and the United States had obtained a decided superiority in that quarter, is there any person who doubts that they would have availed themselves of their situation to obtain on the side of Canada important cessions of territory, if not the entire abandonment of that country by Great Britain? Is the American Government to be allowed to persue, so far as its means will enable it, a system of acquisition and aggrandisement to the point of annexing entire provinces to their dominions, and his Majesty to be precluded from availing himselt of his means, so far as they will enable him, to retain those points which the valor of British arms may have placed in his power, because they happen to be situated within the territories allotted under former treaties to the Government of the United States? Such a principle of negociation was never avowed at airy

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"The undersigned have the honour to acknow-period antecedent to that of the Revolutionary ledge the receipt of the Note of the American Plenipotentiaries, dated the 24th ultimo.---It is with unfeigned regret that the undersigned observe both in the tone and substance of the whole Note, so little proof of any disposition on the part of the Government of the United States to enter into an amicable discussion of the several points submitted by the undersigned in their former communication. The undersigned are perfectly aware, that in bringing forward those points for consideration, and stating with so much frankness, as they did, the views with which they were proposed, they departed from the usual course of negociating, by disclosing all the objects of their Government, while those which the American Government had in view were withheld; bat in so doing they were principally actuated by a sincere desire of bringing the negociation as soon as possible to a favourable termination, and in some measure by their willingness to comply with the wishes expressed by the American Plenipotentiaries themselves. It is perfectly true that the war between his Majesty and the United States was declared by the latter power upon the pretence of maritime rights alledged to be asserted by Great Britain, and disputed by the United States. the war thus declared by the United States had been carried on by them for objects purely of a maritime nature, or if the attack which had been made on Canada had been for the purpose of diversion, or in the way of defence against the British forces in that quarter, any question as to the boundaries of Canada might have been considered as unnecessary; but it is notorious to the whole world that the conquest of Canada, and its permanent an

Government of France. If the policy of the
United States had been essentially pacific, as the
American Plenipotentiaries assert it ought to be,
from their political institutions, from the habits of
their citizens, and from their physical situation, it
might not have been necessary to propose the pre-
cautionary provisions now under discussion. That,
of late years at least, the American Government
have been influenced by a very different policy:
by a spirit of aggrandisement not necessary to their
own security, but increasing with the extent of
their empire, has been too clearly manifested by
their progressive occupation of Indian territories→→→
by the acquisition of Louisiana; by the
recent attempt to wrest by force of aims from a
nation in amity, the two Floridas; and lastly, by the
avowed intention of permanently annexing the Ca-
nadas to the United States. If then security of the
British North American dominions requires aný sa-
crifices on the part of the United States, they must
be ascribed to the declared policy of that Govern-
ment in making the war not one of self defence,
nor for the redress of grievances, real or pretended,
but a part of a system of conquest and aggrandise-
ment. The British Government, in its present situa-
tion, is bound in duty to endeavour to secure its
North American dominions against those attempts
at conquest, which the American Government have
avowed to be a principle of their policy, and
which, as such, will undoubtedly be renewed,
whenever any succeeding war between the two
countries shall afford a prospect of renewing them
with success. The British Plenipotentiaries pro-
posed that the military possession of the Lakes,
from Lake Ontario to Lake Superior, should be

secured to Great Britain, because the command of Quebec becomes interrupted, was not in contemthose Lakes would afford to the American Govern- | plation of the British Plenipotentiaries who con ment the means of commencing a war in the heartcluded the treaty of 1783, and that the greater of Canada, and because the command of them, on part of the territory in question is actually unocthe part of Great Britain, has been shewn by ex- cupied. The undersigned are persuaded that an perience, to be attended with no insecurity to the arrangement en this point might be easily made, United States. When the relative strength of if entered into with the spirit of conciliation, withthe two Powers in North America is considered, it out any prejudice to the interests of the district in should be recollected that the British dominions in question. As the necessity for fixing some bounthat quarter do not contain a population of 500,000 dary for the north western frontier has been mupersons, whereas the territory of the United States tually acknowledged, a proposal for a discussion on contains a population of more than seven millions; that subject cannot be considered as a demand for that the naval resources of the United States are at a cession of territory, unless the United States are hand for attack, and that the naval resources of prepared to assert that there is no limit to their Great Britain are on the other side of the Atlantic. territories in this direction; and that, availing The military possession of those Lakes is not, there- themselves of the geographical error upon which fore, necessary for the protection of the United that part of the treaty of 1783 was founded, they States. The proposal for allowing the territories on will acknowledge no boundary whatever; then the southern banks of the Lakes above mentioned unquestionably any proposition, to fix ene, be it to remain in the possession of the Government of what it may, must be considered as demanding a the United States, provided no fortifications should large cession of territory from the United States. be erected on the shores, and no armament per- Is the American Government prepared to assert mitted on the waters, has been made, for the pur- such an unlimited right so contrary to the evident pose of manifesting, that security and not acquisi-intention of the treaty itself? Or, is his Majesty's tion of territory is the object of the British Go-Government to understand, that the American vernment, and that they have no desire to throw Plenipotentiaries are willing to acknowledge the obstacles in the way of any commerce which the boundary from the Lake of the Woods to the people of the United States may be desirous of Mississippi (the arrangement by a convention in carrying on upon the Lakes in time of peace. The 1803, but not ratified) as that by which their Goundersigned, with the anxious wish to rectify all vernment is ready to abide. The British Plenipo misunderstanding, have thus more fully explained tentiaries are instructed to accept favourably such the grounds upon which they brought forward the a proposition, or to discuss any other line of bounpropositions contained in their former Note resdary which may be submitted for consideration. It pecting the boundaries of the British dominions in is with equal astonishment the undersigned find North America. They do not wish to insist upon that the American Plenipotentiaries have not only them beyond what the circumstances may fairly declined signing any provisional article, by which require. They are ready, amicably to discuss the the Indian Nations who have taken part with details of them with a view to the adoption of any Great Britain in the present contest may be inmodifications which the American Plenipotentiaries cluded in the peace, and may have a boundary or their Government, may have to suggest if they assigned to them, but have also thought proper are not incompatible with the object itself. With to express surprise at any proposition on the subrespect to the boundary of the district of Maine, ject having been advanced. The American Pleniand that of the North Western frontier of the potentiaries state, that their Government could not United States, the undersigned were not prepared have expected such a discussion, and appear to anticipate the objections contained in the Note resolved, at once, to reject any proposition on this of the American Plenipotentiaries; they were in-head; representing it as a demand contrary to the structed to treat for the revision of their boundary lines, with the statement which they have subsequently made, that they had no authority to cede any part, however insignificant, of the territories of the United States, although the proposal left it -open to them to demand an equivalent for such cession either in frontier or otherwise. The American Plenipotentiaries must be aware that the boundary of the district of Maine has never been correctly ascertained; that the one asserted at present by the American Government, by which

direct communication between Halifax and

acknowledged principles of public law, tantamount

to a cession of one third of the territorial dominious

of the United States, and required to be admitted without discussion. The proposition which is thus represented is, that the Indian Nations, which have been during the war in alliance with Great Britain, should at its termination be included in the pacification; and, with a view to their per manent tranquillity and security, that the British Government is willing to take as a basis of an article on the subject of a boundary for those nations, the stipulations which the American Government

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contracted in 1795, subject, however, to modi-boundary line between the lands of the United fications. After the declaration, publicly made to those Indian Nations, by the Governor-General of Canada, that Great Britain would not desert them, could the Americau Government really persuade itself that no proposition relating to those Nations would be advanced; and did Lord Castlereagh's Note of the 4th November, 1813, imply so great a sacrifice of honour, or exclude from discussion every subject, excepting what immediately re. lated to the maritime questions referred to in it? When the undersigned assured the American Plenipotentiaries of the anxious wish of the British Government that the negociation might terminate in a peace honourable to both parties, it could not have been imagined that the American Plenipotentiaries would thence conclude that his Majesty's Government was prepared to abandon the Indian Nations to their fate, nor could it have been foreseen that the American Government would have considered it as derogatory to its honour to admit a proposition by which the tranquillity of those Nations might be secured. The British Plenipotentiaries have yet to learn, that it is contrary to the acknowledged principles of public law to include Allies in a negotiation for peace, or that it is contrary to the practice of all civilized nations to propose that a provision should be made for their future security. The Treaty of Grenville established | the boundaries between the United States and the Indian Nations. The American Plenipotentiaries must be aware, that the war which has since broken out has abrogated that treaty. Is it contrary to the established principles of public law for the British Government to, propose, on behalf of its Allies, that this treaty shall, on the pacification, be considered si ject to such modifications as the case may reader necessary? Or, is it unreasonable to propose, that this stipulation should be amended, and that on that foundation some arrangement should be made which would provide for the existence of a Neutral Power between Great Britain and the United States, calculated to secure to both a longer continuance of the blessings of peace? "So far was that specific proposition respecting the Indian boundaries from being insisted upon in the note, or in the conference which preceded it, as one to be admitted without discussion, that it would have been difficult to use terms of greater Jatitude, or which appeared more adapted, not only not to preclude but to invite discussion. If the bases proposed could convey away one third of the territory of the United States, the American Go-ceived little proof of any disposition on the part of vernment itself must have conveyed it away by the Grenville Treaty of 1795. It is impossible to read that treaty without remarking how inconsistent the present pretensions of the American Government are, with its preamble and provisions. The

States and those of the Indian Nations, is therein expressly defined. The general character of the treaty, is that of a treaty with independent nations z and the very stipulation which the American Plenipotentiaries refer to, that the Indian nations should sell their lands only to the United States, tends to prove that, but for that stipulation, the Indians had a general right to dispose of them. The American Government, has now for the first time, in effect declared that all Indian Nations within its line of demarcation are its subjects, living there upon sufferance, on lands, which it also claims the exclusive right of acquiring, thereby menacing the final extinction of those nations. Against such a system, | the undersigned must formally protest. The undersigned repeat, that the terms on which the proposition has been made for assigning to the Indian Nations some boundary, manifest no unwillingness to discuss any other proposition directed to the same object, or even a modification of that which is offered. Great Britain is ready to enter into the same engagements with respect to the Indians living within her line of demarcation, as that which is proposed to the United States. It can, therefore, only be from a complete misapprehension of the proposition that it can be represented as being not reciprocal. Neither can it, with any truth; be represented as contrary to the acknowledged principles of public law, as derogatory to the honour, or inconsistent with the rights of the American Government, nor as a demand required to be admitted without discussion. After this full exposition of the sentiments of his Majesty's Government on the points above stated, it will be for the American Plenipotentiaries to determine, whether they are ready now to continue the negociations; whether they are disposed to refer to their Government for further instructions; or lastly, whether they will take upon themselves the responsibility of breaking off the negociation altogether. The undersigned request the American Pienipotentiaries to accept the assurances of their high consideration. (Signed) GAMBIER, HENRY GOULBURN, WILLIAM ADAM.”

66

THE AMERICAN TO THE BRITISH COMMISSIONERS.

Ghent Sept. 9, 1814." The undersigned have had the honour to receive the note of his Britannic Majesty's Plenipotentiaries, dated the 4th instant. It, in the tone or substance of the former note of the undersigned, the British Commissioners have per

the AmericanGovernment, for a discussion of some of the propositions advanced in the first note, which the undersigned had the honour of receiving from them, they will ascribe it to the nature of the propositions themselves, to their apparent incompa

appointed to treat of peace, under the mediation of Russia; and in January, 1814, when the instructions under which the undersigned are now acting, were prepared.

tibility with the assurances in Lord Castlereagh's the United States, been the declared object of their Jetter to the American Secretary of State, proposing Government. From the commencement of the war this negociation, and with the solemn assurances of to the present time, the American Governmeift the British Plenipotentiaries themselves, to the has been always willing to make peace, without undersigned at their first conferences with them. obtaining any cession of territory, and on the sole The undersigned, in reference to an observation of condition that the maritime questions might be sa the British Plenipotentiaries, must be allowed to tisfactorily arranged. Such was their disposition say, that the objects which the Government of the in the month of July, 1812, when they instructed United States had in view, have not been withheld. Mr. Russell to make the proposal of an armistice; The subjects considered as suitable for discussion in the month of October of the same year, when were fairly brought forward in conferences of the Mr. Monroe answered Admiral Warren's proposals 9th ult. and the terms on which the United States to the same effect; in April, 1813, when instrucwere willing to conclude the peace, were frauklytions were given to three of the undersigned, then and expressly declared in the Note of the under signed, dated the 24th ultimo. It had been confidently hoped that the nature of those terms, so evidently framed in a sincere spirit of conciliation, would have induced Great Britain to adopt them The proposition of the British Plenipotentiaries as the basis of a treaty: and it is with deep regret is, that in order to secure the frontiers of Canada that the undersigned, if they have rightly under- against attack, the United States should leave their stood the meaning of the last Note of the British own without defence and it seems to be forPlenipotentiaries, perceive that they still insist on gotten, that if their superior population, and the the exclusive military possession of the Lakes, and proximity of their resources give them any advanon a permanent boundary and independent territory tage in that quarter, it is balanced by the great dilfor the Indians residing within the dominions of the ference between the military establishments of the United States. The first demand is grounded on the two nations. No sudden invasion of Canada by supposition, that the American Government has the United States could be made, without leaving manifested, by its proceedings towards Spani, by the on their Atlantic shores, and on the occan exposed acquisition of Louisiana, by purchase of Indian to the great superiority of the British force, a mass lands, and by an avowed intention of permanently of American property far more valuable than Caannexing the Canadas to the United States, a spirit nada. In her relative superior force to that of of aggrandisement and conquest, which justifies the the United States in every other quarter, Great demands of extraordinary sacrifices from them, to Britain may find a pledge much more efficacious provide for the security of the British Possessions for the safety of a single vulnerable point, than in America. In the observations which the under-in stipulations ruinous to the interests and degradsigned felt it their duty to make on the new de-ing to the honour of America. The best security mands of the British Government, they confined for the possessions of both countries will, however, their animadversions to the nature of the demands be found in an equal and solid peace; in a mutual themselves; they did not seek for illustrations of respect for the rights of each other, and in the culti the policy of Great Britain in her conduct, in various vation of a friendly understanding between them. -quarters of the globe, towards other nations, for she If there be any source of jealousy in relation to was not accountable to the United States. Yet the Canada itself, it will be found to exist solely in undersigned will say, that their Government has the undue interference of traders and agents, which ever been ready to arrange in the most amicable may be easily removed by proper restraints. The manner with Spain, the questions respecting the only American forts on the Lakes known to have been at the commencement of the negociation held by British force are Michillimackinac and Niagara. As the United States were, at the same time, în possession of Amherstburg and the adjacent country, it is not perceived that the mere occupation of those two forts could give any claim to his Britannic Majesty to large cessions of territory, founded upon the right of conquest; and the undersigned

boundaries of Louisiana and Floridas, and that of indemnities acknowledged by Spain due to American citizens. How the peaceable acquisition of Louis aiana, or the purchase of lands within the acknowledged territory of the United States, both made by fair and voluntary treaties for satisfactory equivalents, can be ascribed to a spirit of conquest dani. gerous to their neighbours, the undersigned are altogether at a loss to understand. Nor has the conquest of Canada, and its permanent annexation to

(To be continued.)

Printed and Published by G. HoUSTON: No. 192, Strand; where all Communications addressed to the Editor are requested to be forwarded.

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