much at their ease; and the whole man, on board a ship in the Atlantic, seems to be intended as a burlesque would be investigated in our Admniupon the most solemn act, which a ralty courts; and the forcibly detaincreature, like man, can execute. The ing him, or transporting him withconsequences that have ensued, and out his consent, from one place to anwhich are likely to ensue, unless the other, is actionable. Why have the place of execution is altered, are such blacks been denied this privilege, but as might have been expected, when from an ill-founded prejudice? This the curiosity or feelings of the pub- prejudice is now overcome, and we lic have been strongly excited. rejoice that the blacks are restored to In the House of Commons several their rights, not only for their sakes, important subjects were discussed, but for the sake of Englishmen. amongst them the Catholic Bill, the For an Englishman, who was a partFreehold Liability Bill, the Bill for ner in that trade, whether as a merthe Abolition of the Slave Trade, and chant or common sailor, must necesthe examination of witnesses in the sarily entertain sentiments unworthy case of the Electors of Westminster of a freeman. The trade, we are peragainst Mr. Sheridan, were the most suaded, did great injury to our seaimportant. The Slave Trade has men; and now it is done with, we received its death blow. After twen- will hope, that those gentlemen, who ty years' agitation, the question is now set at rest, and both Lords and Commons are agreed, that in this trade an Englishman shall no longer be engaged. In this decision we heartily concur; not that we, by any means, agree with the chief leaders in this question, in the mode of their arguing; and we carefully distinguish the case of the slaves in the Indies from the situation of a black man in a slave ship. The former has nothing to do with the latter question: nor would it alter our opinion if the blacks were carried by us into a paradise. Nor do we place any credit in the assertions of Mr. Wilberforce and Mr. Thornton, particularly the latter gentleman, respecting the treatment of the blacks in the West Indies. The question was very ill argued in the House of Commons. The members talked their hours or two upon the subject, and the same arguments were repeated to nauseousness, that had been so often brought before the public. Irrelevant matter with out end was introduced; and the idle vanity of talking a great length of time, instead of expressing plainly and clearly an opinion, was apparent. We should, from the beginning, have rested the whole merits of this question upon constitutional grounds. Every man, except a black, has an action against the mariner, who treats him ill upon the high seas. The murder of a French have taken the lead for the blacks, will have leisure to attend to the whites; if their optics could be accommodated to objects nearer to themselves, they would discover, that as great instances of cruelty have been perpetrated in England and Ireland, without any remonstrance on their part, as they complain of in the West Indies. What are we to think of the floggings and hangings in Ireland, and the solitary confinement of persons in England without trial? On March 23, the bill was finally read in the House of Lords, when the Bishop of Llandaff, who had not had a previous opportunity of delivering his sentiments upon the subject, entered into the history of slavery, from the earliest times; and after many excellent remarks, declared the measure for the abolition of the slave trade to be founded on true principles of policy and humanity, and one which was calculated to avert the wrath of offended heaven against a guilty nation. Lord Percy would have carried the question, respecting the blacks, still farther; and he moved for leave to bring in a bill for giving liberty to the children of slaves in the West Indies, at the age twenty-one. We give his lordship credit for humanity and good principle, but are well satisfied with the determination of the House, to leave such a matter to future discussion. Slavery is an evil of too long standing. of will require much deliberation, and we are persuaded it must be gradual, By the permission that is now granted to slaves, to buy out their own freedom, or that of their children, an addition is yearly made to the free blacks, and this matter being settled by good laws, will restore, in the best manner, human nature to its rights. We may add also, that benevolent masters, from a sense of duty, will increase this number; and Dr. Lettsom will not be the only person who, on receiving a legacy of slaves, gave immediately to each his freedom. The best mode of getting rid of it in the House of Commons of Ireland. That the country had already received the benefit of the act, was testified by the shores of Egypt, and the plains of Calabria. The proposed measure permitted only the executive government to admit Catholics into the army; if any danger could be apprehended from it, the government would ward it off in the appointment of its officers. It was proposed also to give the Catholics the free use of their religion, as far as was consistent with military discipline. This, he conceived, could meet with no objection. It held out no encouragement to the Catholics-it established no institution for their support or increase. The evident effects of such a bill would be a powerful stimulus to all ranks in Ireland, to exert themselves for the benefit of the common country, and destroy the artifice of those who were daily endeavouring to stir up the coals of sedition and rebellion. Lord Howick's Catholic question was brought forward on the 5th of March, and his lordship trusted, that a measure, for allowing the services of his Majesty's subjects, on an oath to be prescribed by parliament, and giving them the free exercise of their respective religion, would meet with no opposition. This he presumed, from the present state of the Catho- Mr. Perceval considered the bill to lics, against whom, on account of be one of the most important and their religion, severe laws had for- dangerous measures that had ever merly been made. These politics no been submitted to the judgment of longer existed; and, at this time, a the legislature. Not the measure very large body of Catholics was serv- merely, but the system on which it ing both in our fleets and armies. In was founded, excited in him the most Ireland, by law, they were allowed to formidable objections. Where are do this; for in 1793, a bill passed, we to stop, if this is granted? The permitting Catholics to hold commis- protestani interest ought to be mainsions in the army, and this permission, tained in Ireland? From the arguit was the intention of the bill to ex- ments used to-day, the reformation tend generally to the Catholics of this might seem to be only a convenient country; and if to the Catholics, it political measure. The incongruity was unnecessary to state, that none of in the law might be great in theory, the dissenters would be excluded but was it so in practice. The presfrom a similar privilege. The neces- byterian of Scotland is sacrificed just sity of such a bill was evident, from as much as the Catholic of Ireland, the strange incongruity of the law, yet when had either suffered the peas it stood at present; for by law, the nalties of the act. But he denied, Catholics in Ireland might rise to be that a Catholic, having obtained a generals, yet, if the service of the coun- commission in Ireland, was liable to try required a regiment to be in Eng- penalties in England: the Union land, the Catholic, legally inlisted sanctioned the act; and, after all, if into it, would be disqualified by law inconvenience did actually occur, the from remaining in the service, and if Annual Indemnity Bill completely he did remain in it, would be subject covered the case. We must look alto various pains and penalties. In fact, so to the inconvenience to the service. when the bill passed in Ireland, a pro- One seldom would go to a methodist mise was given in the Irish parliament, chapel, another to a presbyterian that a similar bill should pass in meeting, a third to a Roman Catholic England, by Lord Clare, in the House church; and this would be greater in of Peers, and Lord Buckinghamshire, the navy. The evil that is stealing APOLLONIAN CRITIC. SEMPER FIDELIS." n's Musical Ca- songs, sequels, &c. &c. are too often de of State of Public Affairs. 267 it must be gradual, the benefit of the act, ir own tree- of Calabria. hended from it, the government d my; if any danger could be appre tor as was consistent This, be es the free use of S Noir de Musique; 2. or, Pastimes,-being Games , constituted on the Prin es of Music. By Thomas Danvers Worgan. Any rational attempt to render of its amusement subservient to promote e musical the attainment of science must be ent one, and, highly commendable. In the little ne work will prove work now before us, Mr. W. has maquisition to those who nifested a considerable degree of in ssess a pleasing variety of genuity; although, for ourselves, we at a small expense. The two must confess, that we prefer the umes before us contain a great straight forward road of instruction; number of excellent songs (with the and we very much query, whether words) for one and two voices, or those who are fond of card-playing in the usual way will so far deviate from instruments; also, a number of popular country dances, waltzes, &c. their accustomed method of amuseThe music is adapted professedly for ment, as to pay sufficient attention to the German flute and flageolet, but the author's plan of connecting music will equally well suit for violins or with the game. We think, a pack of hautboys. As far as we can judge from cards with musical characters, beginwhat we have already seen, we are in- ning with very simple, and gradually clined sincerely to recommend this proceeding to the more difficult parts After all, we neat little cabinet of music, and to of the science, would more effectually wish the publishers much success. answer the purpose. We shall continue to notice the vo- are willing to allow the author some lumes occasionally, as they make their merit; and we think, was he to introduce a few more lessons, and those appearance. "That a Smile and a Tear,"-written printed on half a dozen cards, it expressly as an Answer to the cele- would be a considerable improvebrated song, Said the Smile to ment. the Tear," as sung by Mr. Braham, at the Theatre-Royal, Drury-Lane. The music with an Accompaniment for the Piano Forte. By W. F. Crouch. Price 1s. 6d. We confess that, generally speaking, we are far from being friendly to publications of this sort. 66 Z. "A Recreation,"--composed of a Scene, or Introduction, an Aria, and a Rondo, for the Piano Forte, with an Accompaniment for the German Flute. Dedicated to Miss Caroline Cole, of Bath. By Louis Von Esch. 5s. Answers to 2 M UNIVERSAL MAG. VOL. VII. upon us by these concessions, must versity of Cambridge, which excited be speedily stopped, or, it suffered to Mr. Dickenson to enquire of Lond increase, that would ultimately be Howick, whether he was prepared extorted from the weakness of parliament which its wisdom would be desirous to withhold. to enter into an explanation of the causes which delayed the progress of the bill; and also to inform the Lord Temple thought the opinions House whether, the rumours were of the preceding speaker savoured well founded, that the ministers had more of the dark ages, than of the pressed upon the king a measure to present enlightened times. The which he felt an invincible aversion. madness of intolerance was now uni- Lord Howick in reply, observed, that versally confessed: and he would he was not at liberty, at that mo enter his solemn protest against the ment, to answer the question, wherevival of all those intolerant bigotries ther the ministers had endeavoured which produce narrow-n.inded po- to force the measure upon his Majeslicy in government, and a dangerous ty, when they knew his conscience division among the people. Mr. could not agree to it. He must Yorke conceived that some limits throw himself, for the present, upon must be put to the daily innovations the indulgence of the House: and he on the church establishnient. In this could state only, that he had not rehe was joined by Mr. Montagne, who ceived his Majesty's commands to deprovoked much laughter in the House, liver up the seals of office, but that by his absurdity in supposing, that our he understood that his Majesty was seamen, if the bill were admitted, now employed with certain persons, would, instead of beating the enemy, in arranging a new administration. fall to disputes between themselves The administration was equally unabout religion. Mr. Corry approved fortunate in the Frechold Liability of the bill, as it would restore to our Bill-a bill to render the freehold service the talents and courage of the property of persons dying in debt, Dillons of France, and the Reillys assets for the payment of those debts. of Spain-men who were the support. The subject was most ably introduced and ornaments of a foreign service. by Mr. Romilly, the solicitor-general, Lord Howick summed up in a very and opposed, legally and technically, masterly manner, answering all the by the Master of the Rolls. The inearguments against his proposition, which was agreed to without a division; and the bill was ordered to be printed, and read a second time on that day se'nnight. After various delays Lord Howick, on the 18th day of March, informed the House, that certain circumstances had intervened, rendering a postponement of the bill necessary. He was aware, that the House and the public would naturally require some explanation. He was not authorised, at present, to give it. The bill would of course drop, and he could not say when it would be revived; but he hoped for the indulgence of the House till that moment should arrive, for which he was as anxious as any person, when he might communicate the necessary explanation. On the 23d, a petition was presented against the bill, from the Uni rits of the question scarcely allow one moment's discussion. Why is a man to defraud his creditors, because his property is in land? Some excep tions, in a bill of this kind, might be made in favour of the peerage, but dishonesty is not to be encouraged. We have no doubt that a bill of this kind will finally pass, though on the third reading of the present bill, sixtynine were against it, and forty-seven only for it.We should recommend, that previously to the next_attempt to recommend honesty, and to support the industrious against the knave, that an account be drawn up of the manner in which persons of landed property have cheated their creditors, and to what extent within the last ten years, from which the necessity of the bill will be evident to all, except those who wish to cheat their cred.tors. |
