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behalf of the King. Look back to those pages, and there you will find, that I was treated as a fool, or a traitor, because I besought the government not to go to war, and not to proceed in the war, against America; because I asserted that it would be productive of great expense, loss, and disgrace, and would cause America to become a great and formidable naval power. How often did I repeat this. How tired were my readers at the seemingly endless repetition! How many people wrote to me to advise me to desist! How many sincere friends besought me, for the love of my own character as a writer, not to proceed! How many, whose principles were with mine on all points, differed with me on the fact as to this point!--Yet, all I foreboded has already come to pass, and that, too, to the very letter. Many persons say, and I believe the fact, that I assisted greatly in producing the peace with America. On no act of my life do I look with greater satisfaction than on this. But, how much happier would it have been for my country, if I could have succeeded in preventing the war! The evils of this war, short as it has been, I have no scruple to say, are greater than those of the late wars against France. I mean the evils to our Government particularly. It was a war against freemen. It was a war against a Repub-ney or of men. Let us leave them all to lic. She was pitted single-handed against our undivided power. The world were the spectators. They have followed us with their eyes in the contest, and have now witnessed the, to us, lamentable result.-Ratified the treaty! To be sure the President and Senate would ratify the treaty; a treaty which covered with immortal honour, the President, the Congress, the Negotiators, the Army, the Navy, every man in the land; and, above all, the Constitution of Government, which the war had put upon its trial, which has come out of it like pure gold out of the fire, and which will now be not only more dear than ever to the hearts of Americans, but will present itself as an object of admiration and attraction to every oppressed people in the world. -I am afraid I have been digressing. Let me come back, then, to the main drift of the present article by observing, that the events of this war have taught the Republicans the great value of a naval force, while they have encouraged

them to the continuation and augmenta tion of that force. It will assuredly go on increasing. Dock yards, arsenals, will be formed. In short, a great navy will speedily grow up; and this will produce a great change in our situation with regard to warlike means. If we go to war with Napoleon, he has now seen the vast importance of American friendship. America will keep at peace while we suffer her unmolested to carry on her trade all over the world. That would ruin us. But, on the other hand, if we attempt to prevent it, we shall have to fight her both by land and by sea. Here is a choice of evils; but I am not like Sir Francis Burdett's gentlemen, who present him, as he most justly complains, with a choice of evils, and nothing else; for, 1 say, that both these evils may be avoided by our remaining at peace, and leaving the French, and the Italians, and the Neapolitans, and the Swiss, and the Belgians, and the Russians, and the Spaniards, and the Prussians, and the Austrians, and the Hungarians, and the Dutch, and the Hanoverians, to settle their own affairs in their own good time and manner. And the Portuguese. I had nearly forgotten the Portuguese; and, faith, they ought not to be forgotten; for they have not been a trifle in the list of our expenses, whether of mo

themselves. Let us leave the Dutch Presbyterians to supply the Portuguese and Spaniards with wooden Gods, and Virgins and Saints. Let us receive the corn of France when we want it, and the wine and oil which we always want; and let her receive our steel, copper, tin, cloth, and other things. But, let who will be the Ruler, LET US HAVE PEACE WITH HIM.

TREATY WITH NAPOLEON.

ALTHOUGH in the present state of matters, with little else to guide one's opinions than the ex parte and partial statements of his enemies, it would not be well advised to speculate on the views and intentions of Napoleon, I cannot permit the opportu nity, which offers itself, to pass, without making a few remarks on the treaty concluded between him and the allied pow ers on the 11th April, 1814; by which treaty, Napoleon, on the one hand, re

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ants, The members of his family were to receive an annual allowance of two million five hundred thousand francs; and to Prince Eugene, then Viceroy of Italy, was to be given a suitable establishment, in consideration of his relinquishing all claims upon that country.-It is well known, that Napoleou, and all the members of his house, were strict in their adherence to the conditions incumbent upon them by this treaty It is now said to be equally notorious, that they have been almost all violated by the other contracting party. The anuual allowances in money, which were to have been paid by the court of France, have, we are told, been withheld; the Empress

signed the Crowns of France and Italy, | His Empress was to be put in possession and the allies, on the other, guaranteed of three duchies in Italy, which were the fulfilment of certain conditions by to pass to her son, and his descendLouis the XVIII, the nonfulfilment of which, it is said, has occasioned Napoleon's return to France.-By this treaty, a copy of which I have given below, it will be seen that the island of Elba, which was selected by Napoleon him self as his future residence, was declared by the allied powers, to form "dur"ing his life," a separate principality, "which shall be possessed by him in full sovereignty and property."-All our newspapers, in servileimitation of the ministers of Louis, have been extremely forward in denouncing Napoleon a "trai"tor and rebel to his country," because he dared to set foot on the territory of France. In this they have shewn themselves utterly unacquainted with the po-Maria Louisa not put in possession of litical relations in which Napoleon stood Parma, Placentia, and Guastalla; and no to the surrounding nations.-The mo- establishment provided for the Viceroy ment he relinquished the crown of France, of Italy. If all this be true, Napoleon she was no longer his country; he owed has to complain of a manifest violation her no allegiance because he had sworn of the contract by which he relinquished no fealty to her. He had made choice of his former authority; and to me he apthe isle of Elba, for bis country. It pears to have a right to reclaim those was declared a separate principality by crowns, which he surrendered on the solemn treaty, subscribed by all the great faith of the treaty being fulfilled in every powers of Europe, and these same powers particular. To say nothing of the wishes had guaranteed Napoleon's right and title of the people of France, who, I have no to reign over it"in full sovereignty."- doubt, are almost to a man for Napoleon, 'However circumscribed the island of El- it would seem that he has an undeniable ba, however limited the number of its title to assert his claims in the manner be inhabitants, Napoleon was as much an is now doing, I know of no instance, independent Sovereign, as any of the mo- where a sovereign abdicated a throne narchs who entered into treaty with him. with the same inherent right to resume -But this was not the only consequence possession of it. His predecessors were of the recognition of the sovereignty of generally at the mercy of those who exNapoleon. He did not merely owe nopelled them. They were not in a conallegiance to France, or any other power. He was entitled, in case of any violation of treaty on the part of his neighbours, to punish every infraction of that treaty to the utmost of his ability, This is a principle acknowledged by all writers on the law of nations, It was upon this principle that the allies justified the invasion of France, and even defended their conduct when they refused to treat with Napoleon in the character of Sove-lemnity of a treaty; he returns to it, bereign of that empire. Has Napoleon then done more than attempt to punish the infraction of a treaty? Not only was his title to the "full sovereignty of Elba acknowledged by solemn treaty, but he was to receive for his own use an annual revenue of two millions of francs.

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dition to stipulate for any thing, not even for the safety of their persons. How very different was the situation of Napoleon. In place of accepting terms from his supposed victors, he dictated them; and the prompt manner with which the Allied Powers agreed to these terms, was no small proof that they considered him still a formidable object, He retired from the confest under the faith and so

cause that treaty, as is said, has been broken. This being the state of the case, Napoleon appears to me to have done nothing more than all other inde pendent sovereigns have a right to do, if placed in similar circumstances. He has appealed to the sword; and as those

who refused to listen to his claims seem to shelter themselves under the courtier plea that "might gives right," he is willing that the question should be decided on that principle.--But it is said," that France never became "a party to the treaty by which Napo"leon's independence and pensions were "sanctioned."-It should rather be said, that the Bourbons have refused to concur in this, the people of France, it is pretty evident, never having been consulted in the matter. But what is it to the purpose although all France were hostile to this measure? It was in consequence of the treaty and by virtue of that treaty alone, that Louis the Desired was restored to them. Had Napoleon not consented to give up his claims to the throne of France, a civil war might have been the consequence, and who cau saywhether this might not have terminated fatally to the Bourbons ?-Besides, by the 20th article of the treaty" the high allied powers guarantee the execution of all the articles of the present treaty, and engage to obtain that it_shall be "adopted and guaranteed by France." That treaty therefore which placed Louis upon the throne, required of France the performance of certain conditions to Napoleon and his family. It was by this tenure that the former resumed the crown of his ancestors, and if it has not been strictly adhered to, every thing naturally reverts back to that state, when it was in the power of the latter to present obstacles to the return of his rival. It may be thought that the allies are bound to interfere, and to compel Louis, in consequence of their guarantee, to do justice to Napoleon. Of this, however, there is little hope; although from what we have seen take place during the late war, it will be no way extraordinary to find the soldiers of Russia, of Prussia, or of Austria, again fighting in the ranks with those of Napoleon.

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Articles of the treaty between the allied powers and his Majesty the Emperor Napoleon.

Art. 1. His Majesty the Emperor Napoleon renounces for himself, his successors, and descendants, as well as for all the members of his family, all right of sovereignty and dominion, as well to the

French Empire and the Kingdom of Italy,

as over every other country.

Art. 2. Their Majesties the Emperor Napoleon and Maria Louisa shall retain their titles and rank, to be enjoyed during their lives. The mother, the brothers, sisters, nephews, and nieces of the Emperor, shall also retain, wherever they may reside, the titles of Princes of his family.

Art. 3. The Isle of Elba, adopted by his Majesty the Emperor Napoleon as the place of his residence, shall form, during his life, a separate principality; which shall be possessed by him in full Sovereignty and property; there shall be besides granted, in full property, to the Emperor Napoleon, an annual revenue of 2,000,000 francs, in rent charge, in the great book of France, of which 1,000,000 shall be in reversion to the Empress.

Art. 4. The Duchies of Parma, Placentia, and Guastalla, shall be granted, in full property and sovereignty, to her Majesty the Empress Maria Louisa; they shall pass to her son, and to the descendants in the right line. The prince her son shall from henceforth take the title of Prince of Parma, Placentia and Guastalla.

Art. 5. All the powers engage to employ their good offices to cause to be reapected by the Barbary powers the flag and territory of the Isle of Elba, for which purpose the relations with the Barbary powers shall be assimilated to those with France.

Art. 6. There shall be reserved in the territories hereby renounced, to his Majesty the Emperor Napoleon, for himself and his family, domains or rentcharges in the great book of France, producing a revenue, clear of all deductions and charges, of 2,500,000 francs. These domains or rents shall belong, in full property, and to be disposed of as they shall think fit, to the Princes and Princesses of his family, and shall be divided amongst them in such manner that the revenue of each shall be in the following proportion, viz.

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Francs. 400,000

To Madame Mere
To King Joseph and his Queen 500,000
200,000
To King Louis

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To the Queen Hortense and her children.

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400,000

To King Jerome and his Queen 400,000 To the Princess Eliza.....

To the Princess Paulina

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300,000

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300,000

necessary passports for the free passage of his Majesty the Emperor Napoleon, or of the Empress, the Princes, and Princesses, and all the persons of their

The Princes and Princesses of the House of the Emperor Napoleon shai! retain besides their property, moveable and immoveable, of whatever nature it may be, which they shall possess by in-suites who wish to accompany them, or dividual and public right, and the rents of which they shail enjoy (also as individuals.)

Art. 7. The annual pension of the Empress Josephine shall be reduced to 1,000,000, in domains, or in inscriptions in the great book of France; she shall continue to enjoy in full property, all her private property, moveable and immoveable, with power to dispose of it conformably to the French laws.

Art. 8. There shall be granted to Prince Eugene, Viceroy of Italy, a suitable establishment out of France.

Art. 9. The property which his Majesty the Emperor Napoleon possesses in France, either as extraordinary domain, or of private domain attached to the crown, the funds placed by the Emperor, either in the great book of France, in the Bank of France, in the Actions des Forets, or in any other manner, and which his Majesty abandons to the crown, shall be reserved as a capital, which shall not exceed 2,000,000, to be expended in gratifications in favour of such persons, whose names shall be comained in a list to be signed by the Emperor Napoleon, and shall be transmitted to the French Government.

Art. 10. All the crown diamonds shall remain in France.

Art. 11. His Majesty the Emperor Napoleon shall return to the treasury, and to the other public chests, all the sums and effects that shall have been taken out by his orders, with the exception of what has been appropriated from The Civil List.

to establish themselves out of France, as well as for the passage of all the equipages, horses, and effects belonging to them. The allied powers shall in consequence furnish Officers and men for escorts.

Art. 15. The French imperial guard shall furnish a detachment of from 1,200 to 1,500 men, of all arms, to serve as an escort to the Emperor Napoleon to St. Tropes, the place of his embarkation.

Art. 16. There shall be furnished a corvette, and the necessary transportvessels, to convey to the place of his destination his Majesty the Emperor Napoleon and his household; and the corvette shall belong, in full property, to his Majesty the Emperor.

Art. 17. The Emperor Napoleon shall be allowed to take with him and retain as his guard 400 men, volunteers, as well officers, as sub-officers and soldiers.

Art. 18. No Frenchman, who shall have followed the Emperor Napoleon or his family, shall be held to have forfeited his rights as such, by not returning to France, within three years; at least they shall not be comprised in the exceptions which the French Government reserves to itself to grant after the expiration of that term.

Art. 19. The Polish troops of all arms, in the service of France, shall be at liberty to return home, and shall retain their arms and baggage, as a testimony of their honourable services. The officers, sub-officers, and soldiers, shall retain the decorations which have been granted to them, and the pensions annexed to these decorations.

Art. 12. The debts of the household of his Majesty the Emperor Napoleon, such asthey were on the day of the sigua- Art. 29. The high allied powers guature of the present treaty, shall be im-rantee the execution of all the articles of mediately discharged out of the arrears the present treaty, and engage to obtain due by the public treasury to the Civil that it shall be adopted and guaranteed List, according to a list, which shall by France. Ire signed by a Commissioner appointed for that purpose.

sible.

Art. 21. The present act shall be ratified, and the ratifications exchanged at Art. 13. The obligations of the Mont-Paris within two days, or sooner if pos Napoleon, of Milan, towards all the creditors, whether Frenchmen or foreigners, shall be exactly fulfilled, unless there shall be any change made in this respect. Art. 14. There shall be given all the

Done at Paris, the 11th of April, 1815, (L. S.) The Prince de Metternich. L. S.) J. P. Compte de Stadion. (L. S.) Andre Comte de seunoufsky.

(L. S.) Charles Robert Comte de Nesselrode.

(L. S.) Castlereagh.

(L. S.) Charles Auguste Baron de Hard-
enberg.
(L. S.)
(L. S.)

Marshal Ney,
Caulincourt.

the head, he very civilly took me by the -nose:-this so enraged me, although one of the mildest of men, that I cudgelled him, both to his and to my own perfect satisfaction. For this affront on a gentleman, and a man of honour, I was dismissed as a low bred, unfashionable fellow, greatly deficient in the Ton.Not yet intimidated, I next waited upon THE BACHELORS' TAX. a demure looking creature, who lamented SIR. The Minister having given the the depravity of the age from morning contents of his budget for our digestion, to night, Here I am suited, thought I allow me, through the medium of your no fear of red-coats ;-when, as I was paper, to enter my protest against a tax one night going to hear her rail against that falls peculiarly heavy on a very res- the forwardness of the little misses in pectable body of his Majesty's most loyal their teens, I entered upon her too sudsubjeets, called old Bachelors. That denly, and found her demonstrating the the tax in question is oppressive, as a attraction and adhesion of ladies, to her legislative act, my history will sufficiently footman.-I next became enamoured of prove; for with every disposition to the accomplished daughter of a rich old connubial happiness, I have hitherto farmer; who, feeling his own great deficompletely failed in my attempts; and ciency in all human learning, was reI doubt not that numbers, besides my solved to make his daughter a prodigy. self, stand in the same predicament.-To She could read a page of Walter Scott begin with my history: you must know without lisping more than a dozen misthat I first addressed myself to a most takes; she could recite a passage in a prudent young lady, with whom I inter- play with all the grace of the amateur of changed vows of eternal constancy; and fashion; she could thump a Sonata on was near being made the happiest of men, the Piano with most discordant fascinawhen an uncle died, from whom I had tion; and she could draw without any fear great expectations, leaving me only a of punishment from the breach of the small legacy. This circumstance, and second commandment. These rare ac the advances of a rich fox-hunting squire, complishments won my heart; when an wrought so much to my disadvantage, ticipating my union with the accomthat I was dismissed by her friends, plished phenomenon, she cruelly deand at their suggestion, she very duti- serted me for the irresistible attractions fully yielded to the son of the chace. of a strolling player.-Dissatisfied with Time, that best soother of human woe, poems and plays, pianos and paint, I soon performs a cure; and I next next bowed down to a learned lady, figured away with a lady in the fashiona- who could harangue in Latin with all ble world. Like the owl, I sunk down the eloquence of a college professor; to repose at the approach of the sun, and who could spout Greek with parsonic arose at his departure. Every thing purity; who could write a criticism on seemed to be in 2 most favourable train, a plain passage in a Greek or Latin auwhen imprudently settling some future thor, until it became unintelligible; who plans of domestic economy, I was dis- could unriddle all the dark meanings of missed with the epithet of a mean, ava- Aristotle; and who could prove, to a dericious wretch. My next adventure was monstration, that the ancients were with a young lady, who, with a mode-sages, and the moderns, blockheads.rate fortune, and a handsome person, had secured to herself, at least, a score of humble admirers, when I fortunately stepped in, and she very condescendingly reduced the number to half a dozen, besides myself. I believe I should have carried the prize, had not a tall man of blood, yclept captain, have come in between; and on my excusing myself from standing to be honourably shot through

Well versed in the philosophy of the schools, both ancient and modern. Insensible to externals, even to stoicism; for so far had she carried her apathy, that she had actually written a treatise against the passions, and was one night reading to me the chapter against anger, when the maid servant coming in to pre pare supper, unfortunately overturned the inkstand upon some critical note

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