to whom, as to the people's tribune, M. we have in proclaiming that the Paris press Thiers had addressed an invitation to assist to whose transcendent power to a recent at the council-board upon the most solemn, period we have afforded such striking eviperhaps the most awful occasion, on which dence, is now in a comparatively fallen the ministers of a great country ever sat: state. We do so, then, because it has, for Peace and War hung in the balance of their deliberation, and Leon Faucher held the scale. The election of Corbeil was decided against the editor of the 'Courier Français,' and Journalism, and the man whom Journalism had made Prime Minister of France, received each a blow that neither has since recovered. For it at once revealed the weakness, from which both had been some time suffering. But supposing Journalism, as we just now said, to have itself created the fame and the fortue of Thiers, he may posibly be thought not wholly devoid of some excuse, if, at a later period, the attempt to misapply an agency never before unsuccessful, led himinto grave mistakes, injurious if not fatal to his reputation. What is of more importance, however-we would ask if any such excuse is to be offered for the Press, which allowed itself to be flattered into a desertion of the trust reposed in it by the public, for a glittering alliance with power? since its dethronement, in company with M. Thiers, preached an untiring crusade against England. Because, whatever the theme, Syrian question, Right of search, Chinese or Affghan war, Belgian treaty, Barcelona revolt, its tone has been invariably the same. Because, to the present hour, the Paris Journals, without exception, some insiduously, the most part openly, endeavor to sow the seeds of bitter hostility in the hearts of Frenchmen against England. Because, did that press possess sufficient power, did it retain any thing like its old influence, Europe would at this moment be in the pangs and throes of a convulsion, to which we apply no epithet because we cannot find one capable of marking how terrible such a convulsion would be. Still, no doubt, these Journals possess in a minor degree the capacity to do harm, which they are exercising to its fullest extent; but every unprincipled word and deed of theirs, lies like a block in the way of a return to the great position they once held. Now this doctrine of hatred to England does not arise from a consciousness of wilful wrong or injury inflicted upon France, for never at any period of the history of the two countries do French and British interests less clash than at the present moment. France is allowed to pursue without remon The bait was strong. A seat in the cabinet is usually deemed the highest object of political ambition; but think of a seat in a tribunal raised by the cabinet above its own head, "a power behind the throne greater than the throne itself!" Think of substantial rule, without responsibility: independent of majorities in parliament, in- strance her course of conquest in Africa. dependent of the king, nay, independent of Her ports are alive with ship-builders, and the people! dependent upon no one; an- she is preparing to rival England upon the wards each other are short-lived. In the out into unseemly expressions: there is no middle of the last century Prussians and breach of convenance: no ill manners: the Frenchmen were alternately friends and language is courtly and polished, and the foes; and France and Austria, after two articles march with the solemn air of a page swerable to no body; a self-created, selfsustained corporation, enjoying anomalous place and unparalleled power, simply because it was believed to be faithful and sincere. A memorable lesson is taught in the result of a cheat of this kind. Here is a body which, finding itself thus the absolute leader, director, and governor of a people who are supposed to have no voice but through itself, presumes to barter with a minister for the unseen, undefined, but every where felt, throb of the popular heart, and suddenly discovers itself in one moment stripped of the power it had considered out of reach and unassailable: and that by the same impalpable silent withdrawal of confidence, which, wanting external forms of expression, is the more complete, because it shows no face to which to appeal, no ear to hear repentance or submission. Let us now, before we proceed further, state without reserve one great object that seas; not, it is to be hoped, in hostility, but in fair and honorable concourse. Even upon Eastern ground, where it was supposed they could never join, we find British and French diplomacy united hand in hand to effect a common object; while at the joint bidding of Baron de Bourquenay and Sir Stratford Canning, a combined French and British fleet lately steered to the coast of Syria. It is not then from clashing interests, or interests likely to clash, that the so-called representatives of public opinion in France keep up this incessant din and jargon against their English neighbors. There was a time, indeed, when hatred of Frenchmen formed part of the people's vulgar creed at this side the channel, and if the people at the other side allowed their minds to dwell upon the history of former wars, it is possible that we might find colorable reasons for traditional dislike. Fortunately for the peace of mankind, the animosities of nations to centuries of conflict, shook hands and fought side by side. The year 1830 proved how readily fifteen years of peace had smoothed over the burning discords of the Napoleon pronounced with the wild air of a Sybil: of Gibbon. Nevertheless, the inferential blow is intended to be as telling as an extravagant denunciation of the "National," and in reality it is more so. Yet the hostility of other Journals so outherods Herod, that the "Débats" is obliged to assume the arbiter elegantiarum, and sup wars, for never did John Bull with more earnest cordiality thrust out his honest hand to the foe whom he had fought and forgiven, than when the revolution of July showed France radiant with glorious tri- plicate them, when they speak of Great umph, unstained by popular misdeeds; while Britain, not to descend to the language of France, to her honor be it spoken, in the the Halle (the Paris Billingsgate.) The happiness of a heart elevated by the consciousness of great and good actions, accepted that hand, and the foundation of a long peace was laid. We fervently pray that it may be lasting! It is not, then, from clashing interests, nor from traditional dislike, that the organs of popular feeling would make the popular voice cry hatred to England. But let us offer some direct proof of the existence of that hostility of which we speak, before we proceed to characterize its motives, and note the results that it has worked. occasion which had drawn forth the particular burst of vulgarly expressed rage, reproved by the "Débats," was Lord Aberdeen's letter to the Lords of the Admiralty in relation to the right of search by British cruisers on the African coast. As we shall purposely abstain from expressing opinions upon intricate subjects, because their discussion would lead us too far from the point to which we purposely confine ourselves, we offer no opinion upon the letter of that noble lord. It may be observed, however, that no document would appear less calculated to provoke from the enemies of England, whatever it might suggest to her friends, the language which we shall leave the courtly French organ to characterize. "We think that we ought to protest, on our own account and at our own risk and peril, on behalf even of the French Press, against the mode in which certain journals, whether they belong or do not belong to the opposition, have received Lord Aberdeen's letter to the Lords of the Admiralty. Were we at war with England; were the English nation a nation of traitors, of liars, of outlaws; were its government a government of pirates; this would not be a reason, supposing an act of justice to have escaped from such a nation and such a government, to discredit the act, and make it the text for outpourings of insult and declamation. Lord Aberdeen frank We had prepared a series of extracts from the Journals whose titles are prefixed to this article, when a late number of the "Journal des Débats" was put into our hands. This paper is the organ of the Soult-Guizot ministry, and enjoys, it is said, the favor of the court. It is most ably conducted, and is certainly the first paper in France. We are not to conclude from this high list of titles to respect, that it is affected with any inordinate leanings towards England. As we mention this Journal, we may be allowed to anticipate in some degree the order of our remarks for the purpose of stating, that the outcry raised against England in France, because of the treaty of July, was sanctioned by the respectable authority of the "Débats;" and although, committed in execution of the means employed having at first encouraged M. Thiers in his to suppress the slave-trade: he points them out impolitic career, it subsequently saw reason to the Lords of Admiralty: he directs the latter to change its course, yet, notwithstanding to prevent their recurrence by instructions to the its support of a ministry supposed to be willing to cultivate friendly relations with Great Britain, we still find it omits no occasion which presents itself, of marking any of our troubles at home or disasters abroad, as proof of still deeper evils and less avoidable misfortunes. In a number a few days previous to that from which we are now about to quote, we find, for example, a prophecy of the immediate separation of Canada from the mother country. It is true that such indications of hostility never break ly acknowledges that certain abuses have been officers of the English ish navy, more strict, and try out of the pale of the rights of nations?... Ay! Voila le fait. From the year 1831, After all, no government, no people, is infallible. when France and England, by a treaty for A country is liable to be involved by its agents the suppression of the slave trade, consein grave faults. But this, among civilized nations, does not instantly drag down fury and war. crated the holy friendship (not to call it orThey do not insult, they do not cry vengeance. dinary alliance) sprung from the revolution The injured party demands justice by diplomatic means. Supposing a nation had grave complaints to make against us, should we suffer it to exact reparation with insults and menace on its lips? Should we be more disposed to render it justice, because it treated us as pirates and plunderers? because it told us every day that it hates us? that it wishes us ill, that it invokes against us all the scourges of earth and heaven? For such is the fine patriotism that certain of our journals exhibit with shameful inveteracy. It is not politics they deal in, it is hate and anger they disgorge: thinking doubtless that they would render a great service to France, if they à prendre les mesures nécessaires pour les reparer; negotiate;" who "push the two nations on to war;" but who in all this do themselves an injury, which had better also be described in the language of the Journal from which we have so largely drawn. ... could inoculate it with their own blind passions. We repeat and maintain, that if France were at war with England, it would yet become two great nations to respect and do justice to each We have, besides, another motive for protesting against the deplorable exaggerations of a part of the press. It is clear that these exaggerations, if their object is not to drive two peoples into a frightful war, essentially injure the cause that they pretend to support. Moderation, coolness, dignity, give weight to reclamations: fury discredits them and brings them into suspicion. To insult is not to negotiate. Every people have their honor to defend, and what justice and good manners may easily obtain from a nation, it refuses to threats and insult. It is then its pride which is brought in question. In a word, what do they desire? what do the journals wish, that every morning brandish their swords against England? Treaties are in existence. We do not speak of the treaty of 1841; it is not, it will not be, ratified: it is as a dead letter to France. This is a point which no one will further dare to bring in question. But there are treaties which we have signed, which we have ratified, the observance of which we have obtained from several other powers, which we have ourselves executed without dispute for eleven years, and against which objection has only arisen within these ten months. Voilà le fait!'"* other. • It may, perhaps, be as well to subjoin the original: "Nous croyons devoir protester, pour notre compte et à nos risques et périls, dans l'intérêt même de la presse française, contre la manière dont certains journaux, qu'ils soient de l'Opposition ou qu'ils n'en soient pas, ont accueilli la lettre adressée par Lord Aberdeen aux lords de l'amirauté. Fussions-nous en guerre avec l'Angleterre, la nation anglaise fûtelle une nation de traîtres, de perfides, de gens à exterminer, et son gouvernement un gouvernement de pirates, ce ne serait pas une raison, si un acte de justice échappait à une pareille nation et à un pareil gouvernement, pour dénaturer cet acte et pour le faire servir de texte à un débordement d'injures et de déclamations. Lord Aberdeen reconnaît franchement que des abus ont eu lieu dans l'exécution des moyens employés pour réprimer la traite des négres; il les signale aux lords de l'amirauté; il engage ceux-ci à en prévenir le retour par des instructions plus nettes et plus conformes au droir des gens, addressées aux officiers de la marine anglaise. of 1830, to within a period of ten months, not one word of serious complaint was heard from the mouths of those journals, who, to repeat the language just quoted, now cry "Death and Hatred to the English and their Government;" who "disgorge hatred and rage;" who "insult but do not Cette lettre, nous le dirons encore quand nous devrions attirer sur nous une avalanche de calomnies et d'outrages, est empreinte d'un ton de modération et de sincérité qui fait honneur au ministre britannique; il y a de la vraie dignité à avouer ses torts et et voilà l'ocasion que certains journaux choisissent pour crier Mort et Haine aux Anglaise et à leur Gouvernement! Quelle réputation voulons-nous donc avoir dans le monde? Quel est le but auquel on tend par ces absurdes et coupables violences?Est-ce de faire mettre notre pays hors du droit des gens? "Après tout, aucun gouvernement, aucune nation n'est infaillible. Un pays est exposé à être engagé par ses agens dans des fautes graves. Entre nations civilisées cela n'entraîne pas aussitôt la fureur et la guerre. On ne s'outrage pas on ne crie pas vengeance. La partie lésée demande justice par les voies diplomatiques. Et si une nation avait des griefs à faire valoir contre nous, souffririons-nous qu'elle en exigeat la réparation, l'injure et la menace à la bouche? Serions-nous mieux disposés à leur rendre justice, quand elle nous traiterait de forbans et de pillards, quand elle nous dirait tous les jours qu'elle nous hait, qu'elle nous veut du mal, qu'elle appelle sur nous tous les fléaux du ciel et de la terre? Car voilà le beau patriotisme que déploient, avec un acharnement honteux, certains de nos journaux. Ce n'est pas de la politique qu'ils font, c'est de la haine et de la colère qu'ils dégorgent, croyants sans doute qu'ils rendraient un grand service à la France, s'ils pouvaient lui faiae partager les passions aveugles qu'ils ressentent. "Nous disons, nous, et nous tenons à le redire, que la France, fûi-elle en guerre avec l'Angleterre, il serait encore digne de deux grandes nations de se respecter et de se rendre justice. Nous avons d'ailleurs un autre motif pour protester contre les déplorables exagérations d'une partie de la presse. Il est évident que ces exagérations, si elles n'ont pas pour but de pousser les deux peuples à une guerre affreuse, nuisent essentiellement à la cause qu'on prétend servir. La modération, le sang-froid, la dignité donnent du poids aux réclamations; la fureur les rend suspectes et les décrédite. Insulter n'est pas négocier. Chaque peuple a son honneur à défendre, et ce que la justice et les bons procédés obtiendraient aisément d'une nation, elle le refuse à la menace et l'outrage. C'est alors son orgueil qui est en cause. Que veut-on, en un mot? que veulent les journaux qui brandissent tous les matins leur épée contre l'Angleterre? Il y a des traités. Nous ne parlons pas du traité de 1841; il n'est pas ratifié, il ne le sera pas: il est comme non avenu pour la France. C'est un point que personne n'oserait plus mettre en doute. Mais il y a des traités que nous avons signés, que nous avons ratifiés, que nous avons fait accepter par plusieurs autres puissances, que nous avons nous. mêmes exécutés sans bruit pendant onze ens, et contre lesquels on ne réclame que dupuis dix mois.Voilà le fait." "We are convinced that it" (the system adopted by the Journals) "tends to make us pass for a people who only listen to their passions; who act but in obedience to blind instincts: to-day raised to enthusiasm for one cause, to-morrow for another: always disposed to violent means, and incapable of waiting the conclusions of time, of justice, and of reason." When in February, 1840, M. Thiers accepted the task of forming an administration, he plainly thought that he could rule the country through the Press. The position of parties in the Chamber of Deputies was at that time such, that, to use his own expression, a majority existed for no one; and, except under the pressure of some paramount alarm, such is perhaps the ordinary state of that body. So conscious are parties themselves of the fact, that whenever an émeute takes place, or the Police effect the arrests of suspected individuals, This appeal, from its impassioned style the whisper runs that the authorities themso remarkable in the "Débats," is, as the selves have artfully set plots in motion in reader may have observed, addressed not order to alarm the deputies, and so paralyze merely to Journals of the opposition, but opposition. Nay, it is said to be a part of to those which are not of the opposition. state policy to stir the national guards, It is addressed in fact, to the whole Press, composed chiefly of tradesmen and shopand with reason; for the paper the most keepers, with a slight vibration: the rumuntiring in its abuse of England, is the pro- blings of an earthquake: enough to make fessedly Conservative and Lous-Philippeist them shoulder their guns, fling off their print, "La Presse," conducted by the sur- torpor, and persuade themselves that they vivor in the unhappy dispute which sacrifi- alone stand between, not the throne and reced the life of Armand Carrel. Even the publicanism, but shopocracy and the plunder "National," which the other day commenc- of boutiques. Whether these surmises ed one of its murky pieces of declamation, be merely the capricious inventions of lively by stating that it designedly preached but dissatisfied spirits; or, whether, from the strange coincidence of attentats just oc. curring, as they usually have done, on the eve of the opening of the Chambers, and in time to afford a graceful gloom to the royal Hatred of England, is not more hostile to us than is this paltry receptacle of château gossip. The one, to be sure, is vehement, as becomes a war-breathing republican; the other, captious and carping, as the mouth- speech, suspicions are suggested; certain piece of a bas bleu coterie, which fancies it it is, that M. Thiers was not long in office is cutting, when merely spiteful, and dreams before he raised a storm over the heads of of being wise and learned while erudite the deputies, which soon made them sit too only in the small talk of effete diplomatists: of such diplomatists as would, like M. de Salvandy, make the fates of nations to depend upon the way in which a successful soldier, and the representative of the Throne of the Barricades, should grimace antiquated etiquette! close together for division. The Journals supplied the wind with which this potent Æolus clouded the political horizon. The bland opening of the ministerial career did not even reveal that little cloud, small as your hand, which portends the hurricane. He humbly proclaimed himself a peacemaker; told the deputies that he had not the majority; assured them that he came to seek a majority; and with "bated breath We have thus shown, and that from no partial source, that Death and Hatred to England is almost universally the doctrine of the Paris Press. The date of several and whispering humbleness" looked for a months assigned by the "Débats," relates trial. For a long time he coquetted with to the subject upon which that hatred ma- the Right, and with the Left. How happy nifests itself. In point of fact, it is to be could he be with either! But while he dated from the signature of the treaty of threw out obscure hints of favor to the July. We do not stop to examine that act. Parti-Molé, and then to the Parti-Odillon The justification of its manner depends upon the charge against M. Thiers of seeking delay with the view of juggling the question, which he was pledged to settle only in conjunction with the other Powers. His dealing with the Press is what we have to do with, and with that alone. We will now go back a little, the better to under stand this. Barrot, he employed himself actively in erecting the materials of a pressure from without, sufficiently strong, by rendering him l'homme nécessaire (again to use his own phrase) to place both between his legs, he holding the reins. And then, Behold how he should make them scamper round the Chamber, to the delight of the gallery folk, and the country at large! In looking back to this period, it is strange to find how M. Thiers, within the space of a few months, from having almost as little help from the Newspapers as M. Guizot has at present (and that is sufficient on account of a political mission. Now this mission turned out the most curious part of the affair. Our readers are aware that the colonies send representatives to the Chambers, and the mission with which ly scanty in all conscience), contrived to the ci-devant editor was charged, was to command their almost undivided support. prepare the way for the return of a certain We do not say that he corrupted the French Press by bribing it with money; but he flattered, seduced, and bamboozled it. To some of his means, M. Leon Faucher has already afforded us a clue. We are going to exhibit others. While we acknowledge frankly that we acquit literary men in the friend of the government. At this time the advocates for the abolition of slavery, calculating upon the support of a liberal government, had become extremely active; and in order to satisfy their demands, a commission, with the Duc de Broglie at its head, was appointed to inquire into the best Public Press of France of the contamination method of effecting emancipation. The of the bribe, we have good evidence that government by that act allowed it to be un the scruples of the ministers would not have saved these men from the insult of an offer. The circumstances connected with the disappearance from the field of the "Journal de Paris" afford this evidence: circumstances curious in themselves, and worthy of being better known. derstood that they were opposed to slavery, and only desirous of arriving at the knowledge of prudent means for its abolition. But what covers, with suspicion, the whole story with which we are entertaining our readers is, that the ground which the exeditor of the "Journal de Paris" was inLong after the Journals in opposition had structed to put forward in his advocacy of slackened their fire, a battery was kept up the pretensions of the government candifrom this print: professedly of the Molé date to the representation of Guadaloupe, party. But to the surprise of the public, was The hostility of that candidate to Negro the "Journal" disappeared one morning: Emancipation, as proved by an essay against taking that kind of laconic and unceremo- emancipation written by him, and published nious leave which a retiring newspaper, in a government magazine called the with nothing better to offer, presents when "Revue de Paris." Thus, while upon this it announces to its subscribers that "hence- particular question of negro emancipation, forth it merges ges in, &c." and prays the transfer of future subscriptions to its most deserving successor. M. Thiers was playing the liberal at home, he had his agent at work in the same instant with the planters abroad, appealing to the evidence of a periodical in the interest of his government in proof of his hostility to that question ! that agent being an enemy bought off, and, so soon as bought, spiked, that he might not have the means of any further damaging his master. The "Journal de Paris" disappearing in its chariot of fire, left its mantle to the "Commerce." Some time after the then minister of Public Instruction, M. Cousin, was significantly asked, what business such a gentleman, naming the editor of the late "Journal de Paris," had to do in calling upon him the minister. To which the minister gave the unsatisfactory reply, that as the gentleman in question, having abandoned politics, was desirous of going to the colonies for the purpose of study, he had called upon him for a passport, as well as for some pecuniary assistance, which was accorded. Et voilà tout. The pecuniary assistance coinciaed so awkwardly with the abandonment of politics, that the affair became a subject of comment for a time, and was then in a fair way to be forgotten. Unfortunately for the reputation of all parties concerned, however, when the Budget information. The evening papers in Paris came to be discussed in the ensuing session, are not published before eight o'clock: genan item appeared attached to the name of erally later. One alone possessed the imthis gentleman, who had proved his devo-portant privilege of being sold in the theation to Literature by the abandonment of tres, the "Moniteur Parisien." At the same Journalism; and the item purported to be time with the "Messager" this too was se In the same spirit the game went on. While a seat in the cabinet awaited one editor, and a mission to the colonies another, an evening journal, the "Messager," was bought up, under the pretext that an evening organ was required by the government for the reception of official communications, the "Moniteur" not being sufficiently ample for such purpose. The real truth was, that it had become important to a minister who meant to govern by the Press, to secure under his direct control some evening paper of considerable influence, and to add to that influence by the reputation of access to early |