IN

'N view of the approaching visit of the American delegation to Russia to express the deep friendship of the American people for the people of Russia and to discuss the best and most practical means of co-operation between the two peoples in carrying the present struggle for the freedom of all peoples to a successful consummation, it seems opportune and appropriate that I should state again, in the light of this new partnership, the objects the United States has had in mind in entering the war. Those objects have been very much beclouded during the last few weeks by mistaken and misleading statements, and the issues at stake are too momentous, too tremendous, too significant for the whole human race to permit any misinterpretations or misunderstandings, however slight, to remain uncorrected for a moment.

The war has begun to go against Germany, and in their desperate desire to escape the inevitable ultimate defeat those who are in authority in Germany are using every possible instrumentality, are making use even of the influence of groups and parties among their own subjects to whom they have never been just or fair or even tolerant, to promote a propaganda on both sides of the sea which will preserve for them their influence at home and their power abroad, to the undoing of the very men they are using.

The position of America in this war is so clearly avowed that no man can be excused for mistaking it. She seeks no material profit or aggrandizement of any kind. She is fighting for no advantage or selfish object of her own, but for the liberation of peoples everywhere from the aggressions of autocratic force. The ruling classes in Germany have begun of late to profess a like liberality

and justice of purpose, but only to preserve the power they have set up in Germany and the selfish advantages which they have wrongly gained for themselves and their private projects of power all the way from Berlin to Bagdad and beyond. Government after Government has by their influence, without open conquest of its territory, been linked together in a net of intrigue directed against nothing less than the peace and liberty of the world. The meshes of that intrigue must be broken, but cannot be broken unless wrongs already done are undone; and adequate measures must be taken to prevent it from ever again being rewoven or repaired.

Of course, the Imperial German Government and those whom it is using for their own undoing are seeking to obtain pledges that the war will end in the restoration of the status quo ante. It was the status quo ante out of which this iniquitous war issued forth, the power of the Imperial German Government within the empire and its widespread domination and influence outside of that empire. That staus must be altered in such fashion as to prevent any such hideous thing from ever happening again.

We are fighting for the liberty, the self-government, and the undictated development of all peoples, and every feature of the settlement that concludes this war must be conceived and executed for

that purpose. Wrongs must first be righted, and then adequate safeguards must be created to prevent their being committed again. We ought not to consider remedies merely because they have a pleasing and sonorous sound. Practical questions can be settled only by practical means. Phrases will not accomplish the result. Effective readjustments will; and whatever readjustments are necessary must be made.

But they must follow a principle, and that principle is plain. No people must be forced under sovereignty under which it does not wish to live. No territory must change hands except for the purpose of securing those who inhabit it a

the outset was to defend the existence of their country and enforce respect for international engagements. To those objects have now been added that of liberating populations oppressed by alien tyranny.

They heartily rejoice, therefore, that free Russia has announced her intention of liberating Poland, not only Poland ruled by the old Russian autocracy but equally that within the dominion of the Germanic Empires. In this enterprise the British democracy wish Russia godspeed.

Beyond everything we must seek such settlement as will secure the happiness and contentment of peoples and take away all legitimate causes of future war.

The British Government heartily join with their Russian allies in their acceptance and approval of the principles laid down by President Wilson in his historic message to the American Congress. These are the aims for which the British peoples are fighting. These are the principles by which their war policy is and will be guided.

The British Government believe that, broadly speaking, the agreements they have from time to time made with their allies are conformable to these standards, but if the Russian Government so desire they are quite ready, with the allies, to examine and, if need be, to revise these agreements.

An official communication, dated June 13, which was received in Washington from the Italian Government read:

In Italian political circles it is felt that the attitude of the Allies toward Russia warrants them in questioning the Russian Government concerning intentions of Russia.

The message of President Wilson has so thoroughly cleared the situation it is impossible honestly to connect the alleged democratic views of the Russian Government with the pacifist advances of the Central Powers.

The consent on the part of England, in the name of all the Allies, to revise the conditions of the alliance excludes every pretext whatsoever of the Russian extremists of evading the duty to fight against Germany and Austria.

In view of these declarations of the Allies, it is felt that the Russian Government cannot further delay its decision in order to render the pro-German tendencies of a part of the Russian population vain.

Russia must free herself from the dangerous position she is in now, especially for the sake of Russian freedom.

This was supplemented by an unofficial statement made in Washington to the effect that the Entente Powers had carefully examined the situation and reached these conclusions:

1. That the position occupied by Russia affects the entire plans of the Allies, especially as regards military operations in the near future contemplated by England, France, and Italy.

2. That nothing Russia can irreparably damage the cause the interests of the Allies.

3. That Japan can be counted upon to prevent Russia from forming an alliance with Germany or with giving aid to the Central Powers.

Allies' Position Unsatisfactory to Russian Socialists

The replies of the Allies to the request for the war aims was not satisfactory to the Russian Socialists. Their newspapers acutely criticised the replies. The most important and decisive comment was printed June 15 in the Ivestia, the official bulletin of the Council of Workmen's and Soldiers' Delegates, in these words: Mr. Wilson is mistaken if he thinks that such ideas can find reception in the hearts of a revolutionary people. The Russian revolutionary democracy knows very well that the road to the passionately awaited universal peace lies only through a united struggle of the laboring classes with the imperialists of the world. It is quite easy to understand what feelings will be called forth by the strange pretense of describing the ever-growing spirit of brotherhood and peace in the international Socialist, as also a German intrigue. The French and English notes will undoubtedly not call forth enthusiasm among the revolutionary democracy.

That these views represent the dominating thought of the party in control in Russia at the time was confirmed by the following reply to a letter from the Executive Committee of the Workmen's and Soldiers' Council addressed to it by Albert Thomas, the French Minister of Munitions; Arthur Henderson, British Minister without portfolio, and Emile Vandervelde, Belgian Minister of Munitions, expressing surprise that a call had been issued by the council for an international conference to consider peace before the negotiations between the British, French, and Belgian delegations and the council had been concluded.

"The Russian revolution," says the statement," which is a revolt of the people not only against the tyranny of Czarism, but also against the horrors of the world war, the blame for which falls upon international imperialism, has placed before all countries, with extraordinary acuteness, the urgent need of concluding peace.

At the same time the Russian revolution

has indicated to the nations a way for realizing this problem, notab a union of all the working classes to combat all attempts of imperialism to prolong the war in the interests of the wealthy classes and to prevent peace without annexations or indemnities.

The working classes of all countries can easily come to a speedy solid agreement only if they are inspired with their own interests and remove the aspirations of imperialists and militarists, who often hide their true face under a seductive mask. It is evident that the conference can become the turning point in the terrible epoch of fratricidal war only if the members of the conference are imbued with these ideas. And it is no less evident that all the questions you have raised cannot be the subject of discord or a motive for a continuation of the war.

Having recognized the right of nations to dispose of their destiny, the members of the conference will come to an understanding without difficulty regarding the future of Alsace-Lorraine and other regions. Moreover, the working classes, relieved of the mutual distrust with which the imperialists have envenomed them, will agree regarding the means of granting compensation and the amount of such compensation to the countries devastated by war, like Belgium, Poland, Galicia, and Serbia. But it goes without saying that such compensation must have nothing in common with the contribution which is imposed on the conquered country.

Regarding your statement that it is impossible for you to break the secret unionthis statement evidently is based on a misunderstanding, for the Council of the Workmen's and Soldiers' Delegates claims from no party as a preliminary condition the renunciation of the policy already pursued by it. The council expects from the conference of the Socialists of the belligerent and neutral countries the creation of an Internationale, which will permit all the working classes of the whole world to struggle in concert for a general peace and break the bonds which unite them by force to the Governments and the classes imbued with imperialistic tendencies which prevent peace.

The Council of the Workmen's and Soldiers' Delegates also considers it futile for parties to make it an absolute condition of their taking part in the conference that the preliminary consent of other parties shall be obtained to any obligatory decision, for that would give rise to irreconcilable contradictions on questions an amicable discussion of which might lead to a solution acceptable to both parties.

Regarding your desire to obtain a previous complete agreement between the allied Socialists, the way in which we put the prob lem renders futile any such understanding. We consider that the conference can succeed only if the Socialists consider themselves, not the representatives of the two belligerent

parties, but the representatives of a single movement of the working classes toward a common aim of a general peace.

Teutonic Efforts for Peace

The Central Powers' efforts to bring about a separate peace with Russia failed, despite the fact that the peace sentiment among the Russian people is both intense and widespread. One of the most daring peace moves made by Germany was that disclosed by the Council of Workmen's and Soldiers' Delegates on June 9. The council's statement read:

The Commander in Chief of the German armies on the Eastern front has sent to our troops a wireless message proposing to indicate to them a way toward an honorable peace and a means for ceasing to wage war without a rupture with the Allies. The German General talks this way because he knows that the Russian revolutionary troops would reject with indignation any overt proposal for a separate peace.

That is why the enemy Commander in Chief invites our armies to a separate armistice and proposes that we should enter into secret pourparlers with the German military leaders on the Eastern front. In his wireless telegram the German General declares that a separate armistice does not offer Germany any advantage. But this is untrue, for, in speaking of the inactivity of the German Army on the Russian front, the German General forgets what Russia cannot forget, notably the Russian defeat on the Stokhod. The German General has forgotten that the Russian troops know whither the divisions and heavy batteries are being taken from our front. The German General has forgotten that we in Russia hear the sound of the bloody battles which are being fought on the Franco-British front. He has forgotten that Russia knows that the overthrow of her allies would mean the overthrow of Russia and the end of her political liberty.

Further light was thrown on the peace manoeuvres of the Central Powers by the following dispatch, dated June 7, from Jassy, the temporary Rumanian capital, to The London Daily Chronicle:

Following up their earlier attempts in this region to seduce the Russian troops, the enemy on the Russo-Rumanian front has now sent delegates to demand an armistice preparatory to the discussion of peace terms. Over 100 delegates have arrived on the front of the Russian Ninth Army under the protection of a white flag. They include several officers-two of high rank, one being an Austrian Prince.

The delegates bore letters from General Roher, commanding the Austrian army group facing the Ninth Army, and also from German army commanders on the Rumanian

front, stating that the delegates are duly accredited, and that they have been dispatched with the full consent of the Austrian and German commanders. The peace envoys stated that they had been selected by the various Austrian divisions on the Rumanian front.

There are no Germans among them.

The delegates, blindfolded, were 'taken into the Russian lines, where the regimental officers' and soldiers' committee claimed them, maintaining that it was the soldiers' right, under the new régime, to discuss and consider the question of an armistice. Ultimately the Russian soldiers' committee waived their claim, and the delegates were sent to the Ninth Army headquarters.

There the commander took a dignified attitude. He stated simply that he was a soldier and could therefore listen to no peace proposals, and said it was a matter for the Russian Government. He also refused the delegates' request that the Russians should appoint military delegates to arrange an armistice preparatory to the formulation by the Austrians of peace terms.

The Russian commander released two of the higher officers, including the Austrian Prince, and sent them back to the Austrian lines bearing a letter in which it was announced that he declined to entertain the request for an armistice, saying that he had no authority to negotiate, and adding that he intended to treat the envoys as prisoners of war.

Another peace move was that initiated by the German Catholic clergy. According to Mgr. Baudrillart, rector of the Catholic Institute in Paris, there was held at Olten on May 18 a meeting of

A

Swiss Catholics summoned by the German Centre Deputy Erzberger, (Mathias Erzberger, leader of the Clerical Centre in the Reichstag.) The latter obtained the assistance of Swiss Catholics with a view to taking action with the Entente bishops in favor of an early peace. professor of international law of Lausanne was charged with the task of sounding the French Catholics, and even some of the French bishops. Others declared themselves sure of obtaining the support of certain Italian bishops.

On the other hand, the newly appointed Governor General of Belgium, General von Falkenhausen, in an interview published in Berlin on June 5, took up the position that it was no time to talk peace.

The Kaiser, in a speech to the Brandenburg troops a couple of days later, said:

The enemy is seeking a decision. We await it calmly, placing our trust in God. who heretofore has graciously protected and aided us. Our enemy will be compelled to sacrifice men until he is exhausted and lays down his arms.

USSIA was the scene of dramatic episodes during the month ended June 20, 1917. At times the situation seemed so critical that all except the most sanguine lost hope of avoiding anarchy or civil war between the radicals and conservatives. The first comforting word came on May 26 in the report that the All-Russian Council of Peasant Deputies, which consisted of real agricultural workers, with no politicians or professional agitators as members, had declared against a separate peace and demanded the vigorous prosecution of the war under a firm Government. Kerensky, Minister of War, the outstanding

figure of the revolution in the firmness, consistency, and courage of his efforts for law and order and for fidelity to the Entente Allies, rose to the crisis; his eloquent patriotism aroused a popular response and prevented the complete collapse of the army and navy.

Complete economic collapse was threatened at the beginning of June by the exorbitant demands of labor. In many of the factories the demands by the workmen for increased wages were actually greater than the entire profits of the factories under the best conditions of production. The workmen, through their committees, were in virtual command of