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fair chance of life and liberty. No indemnities must be insisted on except those that constitute payment for manifest wrongs done. No readjustments of power must be made except such as will tend to secure the future peace of the world and the future welfare and happiness of its peoples.

And then the free peoples of the world must draw together in some common covenant, some genuine and practical cooperation that will in effect combine their force to secure peace and justice in the dealings of nations with one another, The brotherhood of mankind must no longer be a fair but empty phrase; it must be given a structure of force and reality. The nations must realize their common life and effect a workable part

nership to secure that life against the aggressions of autocratic and self-pleasing power.

For these things we can afford to pour out blood and treasure. For these are the things we have always professed to desire, and unless we pour out blood and treasure now and succeed, we may never be able to unite or show conquering force again in the great cause of human liberty. The day has come to conquer or submit. If the forces of autocracy can divide us they will overcome us; if we stand together, victory is certain and the liberty which victory will secure. We can afford, then, to be generous, but we cannot afford, then or now, to be weak or omit any single guarantee of justice and security. WOODROW WILSON.

Entente Peace Terms Defined MORE

CORE precise definition of France's

aims was given by the Chamber

of Deputies on June 5; when, by a vote of 453 to 55, a resolution was adopted in the following terms:

The Chamber of Deputies, the direct expression of the sovereignty of the French people, salutes the Russian and other allied democracies, and indorses the unanimous protest which the representatives of Alsace-Lorraine, torn from France against their will, have made to the National Assembly. It declares that it expects from the war imposed upon Europe by the aggression of imperialist Germany the return of Alsace-Lorraine to the mother country, together with liberation of invaded territories and just reparation for damage.

Far removed from all thoughts of conquest and enslavement, it expects that the efforts of the armies of the republic and her allies will secure, once Prussian militarism is destroyed, durable guarantees for peace and independence for peoples great and small, in a league of nations such as has already been foreshadowed.

Confident that the Government will bring this about by the co-ordinated military and diplomatic action of all the Allies and rejecting all amendments, the Chamber passes to the order of the day.

Speaking to the resolution, Premier Ribot said:

When the hour for supreme decisions strikes it will be for representatives of the country to determine the conditions of peace. We wish to bring about the triumph of the rights of the peoples and the ideas of

justice and liberty. Do not let us be deceived by formulae whose makers hide themselves and who wish to spread the conviction that we seek conquest. We ask only that what is ours be returned to us. We demand that the provinces which never ceased to be French be restored to us.

The resolution which the Government asks you to pass demands a reparation, which none can contest, for appalling damages. The universal conscience will ratify these pretensions.

Appealing to what has been said by the President of the great Republic of the United States, we wish to establish in stable fashion justice and right for all nations, guarantees for tomorrow, for our children against the renaissance of barbarism. If we fall back into our old differences the danger might be great, but France united cannot be vanquished.

I ask you in the name of the Government, in the name of France, that your vote be unanimous.

British and Italian Aims The following note was forwarded on June 11 by the British Government to the Russian Provisional Government's request for a statement of war aims:

In the proclamation to the Russian people inclosed with the note it is said that free Russia does not purpose to dominale other peoples or take from them their national patrimony or forcibly occupy foreign territory. In this sentiment the British Government heartily concur. They did not enter the war as a war of conquest; they are not continuing it for such object. Their purpose at the outset was to defend the existence of their country and enforce respect for international engagements. To those objects have now been added that of liberating populations oppressed by alien tyranny.

They heartily rejoice, therefore, that free Russia has announced her intention of liberating Poland, not only Poland ruled by the old Russian autocracy but equally that within the dominion of the Germanic Empires. In this enterprise the British democracy wish Russia godspeed.

Beyond everything we must seek such set. tlement as will secure the happiness and contentment of peoples and take away all legitimate causes of future war.

The British Government heartily join with their Russian allies in their acceptance and approval of the principles laid down by President Wilson in his historic message to the American Congress. These are the aims for which the British peoples are fighting. These are the principles by which their war policy is and will be guided.

The British Government believe that, broadly speaking, the agreements they have from time to time made with their allies are conformable to these standards, but if the Russian Government so desire they are quite ready, with the allies, to examine and, if need be, to revise these agreements.

An official communication, dated June 13, which was received in Washington from the Italian Government read:

In Italian political circles it is felt that the attitude of the Allies toward Russia warrants them in questioning the Russian Government concerning intentions of Russia.

The message of President Wilson has so thoroughly cleared the situation it is impossible honestly to connect the alleged democratic views of the Russian Government with the pacifist advances of the Central Powers.

The consent on the part of England, in the name of all the Allies, to revise the conditions of the alliance excludes every pretext whatsoever of the Russian extremists of evading the duty to fight against Germany and Austria.

In view of these declarations of the Allies, it is felt that the Russian Government cannot further delay its decision in order to render the pro-German tendencies of a part of the Russian population vain.

Russia must free herself from the dangerous position she is in now, especially for the sake of Russian freedom.

This was supplemented by an unofficial statement made in Washington to the effect that the Entente Powers had carefully examined the situation and reached these conclusions:

1. That the position occupied by Russia affects the entire plans of the Allies, especially as regards military operations in the

near future contemplated by England, • France, and Italy.

2. That nothing Russia rs can irreparably damage the cause the interests of the Allies.

3. That Japan can be founted upon to prevent Russia from forming an alliance with Germany or with giving aid to the Central Powers. Allies' Position Unsatisfactory to Rus

sian Socialists The replies of the Allies to the request for the war aims was not satisfactory to the Russian Socialists. Their newspapers acutely criticised the replies. The most important and decisive comment was printed June 15 in the Ivestia, the official bulletin of the Council of Workmen's and Soldiers' Delegates, in these words:

Mr. Wilson is mistaken if he thinks that such ideas can find reception in the hearts of a revolutionary people. The Russian revolutionary democracy knows very well that the road to the passionately awaited universal peace lies only through a united struggle of the laboring classes with the imperialists of the world. It is quite easy to understand what feelings will be called forth by the strange pretense of describing the ever-growing spirit of brotherhood and peace in the international Socialist, as also a German intrigue. The French and English notes will undoubtedly not call forth enthusiasm among the revolutionary democracy.

That these views represent the dominating thought of the party in control in Russia at the time was confirmed by the following reply to a letter from the Executive Committee of the Workmen's and Soldiers' Council addressed to it by Albert Thomas, the French Minister of Munitions; Arthur Henderson, British Minister without portfolio, and Emile Vandervelde, Belgian Minister of Munitions, expressing surprise that a call had been issued by the council for an international conference to consider peace before the negotiations between the British, French, and Belgian delegations and the council had been concluded.

“ The Russian revolution," says the statement,

which is a revolt of the people not only against the tyranny of Czarism, but also against the horrors of the world war, the blame for which falls upon

international imperialism, has placed before all countries, with extraordinary acuteness, the urgent need of concluding peace. At the same time the Russian revolution

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has indicated to the nations a way for realizing this problem, notabh a union of all the working classes to comba: all attempts of imperialism to prolong the war in the interests of the wealthy classes and to prevent peace without annexations or indemnities.

The working classes of all countries can easily come to a speedy solid agreement only if they are inspired with their own interests and remove the aspirations of imperialists and militarists, who often hide their true face under a seductive mask. It is evident that the conference can become the turning point in the terrible epoch of fratricidal war only if the members of the conference are imbued with these ideas. And it is no less evident that all the questions you have raised cannot be the subject of discord or a motive for a continuation of the war.

Having recognized the right of nations to dispose of their destiny, the members of the conference will come to an understanding without difficulty regarding the future of Alsace-Lorraine and other regions. Moreover, the working classes, relieved of the mutual distrust with which the imperialists have envenomed them, will agree regarding the means of granting compensation and the amount of such compensation to the countries devastated by war, like Belgium, Poland, Galicia, and Serbia. But it goes without saying that such compensation must have nothing in common with the contribution which is imposed on the conquered country.

Regarding your statement that it is impossible for you to break the secret unionthis statement evidently is based on a misunderstanding, for the Council of the Workmen's and Soldiers' Delegates claims from no party as a preliminary condition the renunciation of the policy already pursued by it. The council expects from the conference of the Socialists of the belligerent and neutral countries the creation of an Internationale, which will permit all the working classes of the whole world to struggle in concert for a general peace and break the bonds which unite them by force to the Governments and the classes imbued with imperialistic tendencies which prevent peace.

The Council of the Workmen's and Soldiers' Delegates also considers it futile for parties to make it an absolute condition of their taking part in the conference that the preliminary consent of other parties shall be obtained to any obligatory decision, for that would give rise to irreconcilable contradictions on questions an amicable discussion of which might lead to a solution acceptable to both parties.

Regarding your desire to obtain a previous complete agreement between the allied Socialists, the way in which we put the problem renders futile any such understanding. We consider that the conference can succeed only if the Socialists consider themselves, not the representatives of the two belligerent

parties, but the representatives of a single movement of the working classes toward a common aim of a general peace.

Teutonic Efforts for Peace The Central Powers' efforts to bring about a separate peace with Russia failed, despite the fact that the peace sentiment among the Russian people is both intense and widespread. One of the most daring peace moves made by Germany was that disclosed by the Council of Workmen's and Soldiers' Delegates on June 9. The council's statement read:

The Commander in Chief of the German armies on the Eastern front has sent to our troops a wireless message proposing to indicate to them a way toward an honorable peace and a means for ceasing to wage war without a rupture with the Allies. The German General talks this way because he knows that the Russian revolutionary troops would reject with indignation any overt proposal for a separate peace.

That is why the enemy Commander in Chief invites our armies to a separate armistice and proposes that we should enter into secret pourparlers with the German military leaders on the Eastern front. In his wireless telegram the German General declares that a separate armistice does not offer Germany any advantage. But this is untrue, for, in speaking of the inactivity of the German Army on the Russian front, the German General forgets what Russia cannot forget, notably the Russian defeat on the Stokhod. The German General has forgotten that the Russian troops know whither the divisions and heavy batteries are being taken from our front, The German General has forgotten that we in Russia frear the sound of the bloody battles which are being fought on the Franco-British front. He has forgotten that Russia knows that the overthrow of her allies would mean the overthrow of Russia and the end of her political liberty.

Further light was thrown on the peace manoeuvres of the Central Powers by the following dispatch, dated June 7, from Jassy, the temporary Rumanian capital, to The London Daily Chronicle:

Following up their earlier attempts in this region to seduce the Russian troops, the enemy on the Russo-Rumanian front has now sent delegates to demand an armistice preparatory to the discussion of peace terms. Over 100 delegates have arrived on the front of the Russian Ninth Army under the protection of a white flag. They include several officers--two of high rank, one being an Austrian Prince.

The delegates bore letters from General Roher, commanding the Austrian army group facing the Ninth Army, and also from Ger

army commanders on the Rumanian



front, stating that the delegates are duly accredited, and that they have been dispatched with the full consent of the Austrian and German commanders. The peace envoys stated that they had been selected by the various Austrian divisions on the Rumanian front. There are no Germans among them.

The delegates, blindfolded, were'taken into the Russian lines, where the regimental officers' and soldiers' committee claimed them, maintaining that it was the soldiers' right, under the new régime, to discuss and consider the question of an armistice. Ultimately the Russian soldiers' committee waived their claim, and the delegates were sent to the Ninth Army headquarters.

There the commander took a dignified attitude. He stated simply that he was a soldier and could therefore listen to no peace proposals, and said it was a matter for the Russian Government. He also refused the delegates' request that the Russians should appoint military delegates to arrange an armistice preparatory to the formulation by the Austrians of peace terms.

The Russian commander released two of the higher officers, including the Austrian Prince, and sent them back to the Austrian lines bearing a letter in which it was announced that he declined to entertain the request for an armistice, saying that he had no authority to negotiate, and adding that he intended to treat the envoys as prisoners of war.

Another peace move was that initiated by the German Catholic clergy. According to Mgr. Baudrillart, rector of the Catholic Institute in Paris, there was held at Olten on May 18 a meeting of

Swiss Catholics summoned by the German Centre Deputy Erzberger, (Mathias Erzberger, leader of the Clerical Centre in the Reichstag.) The latter obtained the assistance of Swiss Catholics with a view to taking action with the Entente bishops in favor of an early peace. A professor of international law of Lau

was charged with the task of sounding the French Catholics, and even some of the French bishops. Others declared themselves sure of obtaining the support of certain Italian bishops.

On the other hand, the newly appointed Governor General of Belgium, General von Falkenhausen, in an interview published in Berlin on June 5, took up the position that it was no time to talk peace.

The Kaiser, in a speech to the Brandenburg troops a couple of days later, said: The enemy

is seeking a decision. We await it calmly, placing our trust in God, who heretofore has graciously protected and aided us. Our enemy will be compelled to sacrifice men until he is exhausted and lays down his arms.

You must hasten his exhaustion. When this is accomplished you will have won for the German people the position which they are entitled to occupy. Peace will be dictated through you.

Russia's Perilous Transition Stage

The Paralysis of Military Operations

June 20, 1917. At times the situ

USSIA was the scene of dramatic figure of the revolution in the firmness, episodes during the month ended consistency, and courage of his efforts

for law and order and for fidelity to the ation seemed so critical that all Entente Allies, rose to the crisis; his eloexcept the most sanguine lost hope of quent patriotism aroused a popular reavoiding anarchy or civil war between sponse and prevented the complete colthe radicals and conservatives. The first lapse of the army and navy. comforting word came on May 26 in the Complete economic collapse was threatreport that the All-Russian Council of

ened at the beginning of June by the exPeasant Deputies, which consisted of real orbitant demands of labor. In many of agricultural workers, with no politicians the factories the demands by the workor professional agitators as members,

men for increased wages were actually had declared against a separate peace and greater than the entire profits of the facdemanded the vigorous prosecution of the tories under the best conditions of prowar under a firm Government. Keren- duction. The workmen, through their sky, Minister of War, the outstanding committees, were in virtual command of the factories, and all business had to be paragraphs. The first three lay down submitted to them for approval. Wages that all fighting services men shall enjoy in a majority of the factories were in- all the rights of free citizens, but must creased from 100 to 150 per cent. But regulate their conduct by the requirethere has yet been no offset by an ad- ments of the service and of discipline. vance in prices of the output.

They are to have the right to belong to In one of the works in Petrograd the any political party and to speak, write, workmen demanded the immediate pay- or publish anything whatsoever on any ment of 13,000,000 rubles--normally $6,- political, religious, social, or other sub500,000—to cover an increase of 15 ko- jects, within the scope of the ordinary pecks per hour for each workman since

laws. The fourth paragraph gives full the beginning of the war. The Directors

religious freedom; no man is compelled of the organization immediately com- to attend any forms of prayer anywhere. municated with the Government and

The next two safeguard correspondence asked to be placed under voluntary arrest and printed matter: “All printed matter, as protection against the threats of the

periodical or otherwise, without any exworkmen, which, as usual, accompanied ception, must be delivered without hinthe demand. The Directors were for

drance to the addressees." The seventh two days housed in the Ministry of Jus

allows the uniform to be discarded extice. The Government finally informed

cept when on actual service, with some the Directors that the matter would be

exceptions as to garrisons in the war considered, and, with the demand of the

zone. The eighth paragraph runs: “The workmen held temporarily in abeyance,

relations between fighting services men the Directors returned to the factory.

must be based, with strict regard for An eight-hour day was everywhere es

military discipline, upon the sentiment tablished. In en metal establishments in the Donets district, with a capi

or dignity of citizens of free Russia and

upon mutual confidence, respect, and talization of 195,000,000 rubles and an

politeness.” The next three paragraphs nual profits of 75,000,000, the workmen

abolish various details of service as had demanded an increase of 240,000,000 formerly practiced, such as fixed forrubles. The owners had agreed to 64,

mulas for replies to superiors, the use of 000,000, but the workmen refused to ac

soldier servants, orderlies, &c. The cept this. In some of the works the owners decided to cede all the profits to the

twelfth runs: “ The compulsory salute,

whether for individuals or commands, is workmen, but this did not nieet their exorbitant demands. The demands in

abolished. For all fighting services men, Southern Russian factories aggregate

in its place, is instituted a voluntary mu800,000,000 rubles. In the Urals the in

tual greeting.” Exception is made for crease in wages demanded reaches 30,

such cases as parades and ceremonial oc000,000 rubles, while the annual business

casions. The thirteenth gives freedom outdoes not exceed 200,000,000.

side duty hours to quit barracks or ships New Army Regulations

on merely announcing such an intention

to superiors. The disciplinary regulations of the The fourteenth says that no one can Russian Army, as promulgated May 27 be subjected to punishment without trial, by the new Government, constitute a but in actual fighting conditions the document of historic interest as betoken- superior has the right, on his own pering the attitude of advanced Socialists sonal responsibility, to take all meastoward a national army. They are en- ures, even to the use of armed force, titled “ A Decree Regarding the Funda- against such as do not fulfill his orders. mental Rights of Men in the Fighting The next three paragraphs relate to Services.” The wording throughout is so punishments, which must nowise offend chosen as to include every one, from Gen- against the sense of honor or dignity. erals and Admirals down to drummer A special note abolishes the form of punboys, in an absolute equality of rights. ishment known as standing under arms. The decree is a document of eighteen The use of any form of punishment ex

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