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France; and, as we now see, the people of France are better off than they were before the revolution, and, as is agreed on all hands, I think, better off than we now This is proved, not by what travellers say only, but by the notorious fact, that hundreds and thousands of families went from England to live in France; and (oh! deep disgrace to the Pitt system!) by the petitions of the English Landholders themselves, who, amongst their grounds for demanding a Corn Bill, stated, with perfect truth, that they were unable to contend with the French corn-growers, because these latter were so lightly taxed in comparison with us, and because they were relieved from tythes. If, then, the French nation has gained thus by their revolution, what reason have we to say, that we have, in avoiding a revolution, received a compensation for all the distresses heaped on us by a war carried on to keep off such a revolution?

and far more important, is, that it was by endeavouring to subvert these principles, that the Bourbons, in a very few months, lost their throne. It is clear, therefore, that even with the Bourbons on the throne of France, we had not been able to extinguish French principles; nay, even at that time, such was the force of the cxam, ple, that our own Landholders began openly to express feelings of envy at seeing their neighbours relieved from the burden of tythes, the ridding the country of which was one of the greatest, if not the very greatest, atchievement of the French revolution. It was, really, a thing to admire: to hear the gentlemen, who had for so many years, been haranguing and marshalling their tenantry against the sacrelegious principles of the French, telling the Parliament very gravely, that the French were better off than themselves because they had got rid of tythes; and, in that word, as you will clearly perceive, is included the Bishops' revenues and the whole of the Church Establishment.

The sum of our success, then, even in February last, when the Bourbons were upon the throne, was, in its utmost extent, that we had preserved the Church property, the Feudal Rights and Titles, and the Borough system. This is the most that the Pitt system can take credit for. But, I now proceed to shew, that, even supposing it to have been most desirable to preserve all these by the extinguishment of " French principles," this was not accomplished, even if the Bourbons had remained upon the throne. The return of Napoleon has not created anew the French principles; it has not even revived those principles; it has only proved to the world, that those principles had never, for a moment, ceased to be in a state of activity.

What were these dreaded French principles? That the people ought to be taxed only by their real representatives; that there ought to be no predominant church; that the people have a right to possess the property formerly belonging to the offending Noblesse and to the whole of the Church; that the King, or chief Magistrate, has no right to rule except by the will of the people. And, with the exception of a little shuffle as to the last, more in the form than the substance, did not the Bourbons solemnly agree to reign according to these principles? This is so notorious, that no one will venture to de ny it; and, what is equally, notorious,

Now, then, in coming towards the prospect before us, if the Pitt system had accomplished no one of the objects it contemplated, even supposing the Bourbons to have remained on the throne of France, what hope is there in continuing that same system? It would be very wonderful indeed, if we were by war to succeed in overthrowing Napoleon a second time; but, if he were to die a natural death; to be killed in battle; or, to be assassinated ; what end would that answer? Is it to be believed, that amongst the Carnots, the Marats, the Fouches, the Caulincourts, and hundreds of others; men capable of writing such papers as we have recently seen from their pens, and which papers put to shame that poverty of talent which we see opposed to them: is it to be believed, that, amongst all these famous men, none would be to be found to carry on the government and to direct its forces, in case Napoleon should lose his life? If, during the heat of the revolution, we saw assembly after assembly dissolved; committee succeed committee; changes in the chiefs; the rise of one faction over another; and still the French armies always faithful to their colours and their country. If we saw this, during so many years of internal commotion and foreign war; amidst all the turmoil of paper money, confiscation, and sometimes famine, what

reason have we to suppose, that the safety

ples depend now solely upon the life of one man? the greatest man, I allow; great beyond any man that France, or the world, ever before saw. But, I am not disposed to pay him the hyperbolical compliment to admit the supposition, that the safety and freedom of the French nation hang upon his single life,

What, then, will the Pitt system have done for us, even if it should succeed in destroying the life of this wonderful man? The idea, that a nation like England should bear to be told, that its well-being requires the death of a foreign sovereign, is truly disgraceful to the human character. But, as to the fact, how could such an event tend to relieve from their fears those who are so anxious to see "French principles" extinguished?

"take care, that they have proper Minisof France and the support of her princi-"ters, but we must compel them to adopt "strong measures of government; and 66 we shall have a right so to do, because "our own safety and the safety of Europe "demand it." So that this war (for it has been going on from the year 1792) which was begun on the alleged ground of the provocation which the Convention had given in a decree for offering assistance to oppressed foreign nations, is, according to these writers, to be wound up by our not only dictating a ruler to France, but in our appointing the ministers of that ruler, and in dictating measures to those ministers! This differs, indeed, very widely from what LALLY TOLENDAL and CHATEAUBRIAND are telling the French people from "the King's Council Chamber" at GHENT. They say: ❝ above all, "remember, that the rebellion once put "down, the Usurper once destroyed, no "foreign power will place itself between "the legitimate Prince and his faithful


It is impossible to say who might succeed Napoleon as the head of the government; or what form, or title, the executive part of that government might assume. But, if the Chief were called Emperor, King, Consul, or President, what doubt can there be, that the basis of his autho-" rity would be the same, that the nature of the government would undergo little change, that the rights and property of the people would remain unshaken? And, if this were the case, nothing would have been gained by war, even in the way of extinguishing" French principles." Nay, the matter would be still worse; for, in all human probability, much of the imperial style, now preserved in gratitude to Napoleon, would be withdrawn, and the haters of French principles would have, staring them full in the face, a Republic in name, as the French nation now is in principle and essence,

people, to interfere with any of the poli"cal institutions, of which the proposal, "the consideration, and the adoption, will belong exclusively to them." Our Times newspaper has asserted the contrary; and, really, I think the editor of that paper a better authority than Lally Tolendal or the wild old scribe, Chateaubriand, who, I think they say, has been made a Viscount.

The war, we are now told, has begun. The dispatch of Lord Clancarty says, the Allies "ARE AT WAR," and all the world knows, that France has committed no act of hostility, while she still holds out the olive branch to all Europe. In the report of the Earl of Liverpool's speech, during the debate of last Monday night, he dropped, that the object of the But, the Pitt system proposes, perhaps, war was 66 to destroy that SYSTEM," and fully expects, to place the Bourbons which was now existing in France. The again upon the throne. It must do this, TIMES newspaper of Tuesday last has this or, as we have seen, it does worse than passage :·-- "La Vendee has risen! It nothing at all. It presumes, that it shall" may be recollected, that we not long ago be able to do it, because it has done it be- "noticed the sailing of a secret expedition, fore. But, this is an argument with two "consisting of several ships of war. These edges; for we may say, if you can put up ships sailed from Falmouth, and were the Bourbons, because you have done it" destined to the coast of La Vendee, to once before, the French nation can drive" supply the loyalists in that country with a them out again, because they have done it" quantity of arms of every description, in twice before. To prevent this, some of "conformity with their earnest solicitaour impudent and foolish writers have❝tions. According to advices received on openly said, that, "when we have restored" Sunday by Government, the landing of the Bourbons again, we must not only "the arms had been effected with great

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"management and address, and they were to pay subsidies to the invading conti"received by the people with equal grati-nental armies. 2014 ❝tude. In the course of yesterday this "important intelligence was confirmed, "by the arrival of the Cephalus sloop of "war at Portsmouth from the coast of "France,which, according to a telegraphic 66 message to the Admiralty, did not quit "her station until it was known that the "insurrection was general, the white "cockade mounted, and the cause of "Louis XVIII. every where proclaimed. "Immense numbers trooped to the Royal "standard. Report, though probably "with some exaggeration, made them al"ready amount to 50,000. Among the "leaders are the friends, the relatives, "the avengers of those glorious men, who "fell in the cause of their country in the "field, on the scaffold, and in the dun66 geon. There is the son of the truly 66 great Charette: there are the associates of Sombreuil, and Georges, and Frotte." Thus, then, even before war has been declared, it is publicly announced, that we have sent arms to assist insurgents in France. How exactly the present state of things resembles the state of things in 1793 and 1794! The following is pub lished, in the TIMES newspaper of 22d instant, as an extract of a Proclamation, issued at Petersburgh on the 25th of April, addressed to the French people "You entered my territories, unprovoked,

This is the scene of 1793 returned: all the sovereigns of Europe combined against the French nution and its principles of government. That this is the true Pitt-system no one will deny; and, we shall now see to what it will bring France, the rest of Europe, and ourselves. The preparations on both sides are enormous; all the means of destruction that Europe affords have been collected, or are collecting; all the treasures that Europe affords are ready to pour forth; all the hostile passions are rouzed. That we shall witness carnage most horrible I have not the least doubt; that we shall again hear of very rigorous proceedings in France is to be expected; popular vengeance will again, perhaps, surpass the bounds of ordinary justice; the bosom of that fine country may again be lacerated by her own children as well as by their enemies; but I do not believe, that, let what else will happen, the Bour bons will ever again be placed on the throne of France; I do not believe, that the French people will ever again submit to their sway.

I grant, that, if once entered into the war, the stimulus to exertion and perseverance, on the part of the coalition of Sovereigns, will be greater than ever it has before been; for, if they be now compelled to leave France with her principles, after a war of any duration, they must see that those principles will not be long in making their way over all Europe, even to its utmost bounds. They must see that this is the last war on the subject; the last agitation of the question. But, on the other hand, the French people must see that their fate depends upon their exertions and perseverance. They will all now be armed; the whole of that populous country will be in motion; already the old confederation appear to be reviving. If there be no neutrality allowed out of France, we may be assured, that none will be allowed in it. If the rich be disinclined to bestir themselves, the poor will take the riches along with the office of defending them. The men who now compose the government of France are not men to stop at the end of a part of their means. They will say, "France must


with fire and sword, your plundered and 66 destroyed wherever you came; you entered my capital, which you laid waste. "I entered your territories, and took * 66 your capital, but destroyed nothing. 66 Again, unprovoked, you raise the "sword, and destroy the peace of nations. "I will now enter your territories, once to conquer peace; and wherever "Imeet with resistance, I will UTTERLY DESTROY YOU FOR YOUR PER FIDY." Whether this be authentic or not, as such it has gone forth to the world, and, of course, to France. Louis, on his part, tells the French, that his only error was too much clemency; but there are times, when every thing may be pardoned but a perseverance in crimes. All this is so like the proclamation of the Duke of Brunswick, and the proclamations from Coblentz, that no one can pretend that it has the smallest pretensions to novelty." be defended. Without new confisca To wind up the whole, England has agreed" tions; without new seizures of the


leon should resort to a similar vigour,
under the circumstances that are now ap
proaching. Our writers cry aloud against
Napoleon's resorting to the levy of a mil-
lion, or two, of National Guards. They
call this a horrible tyranny. To be sure,
because it is formidable to his enemies,
who seek his destruction. CHATEAU-
BRIAND, from the Council Chamber"
at Ghent, talks of the danger of this
disastrous conscription.
Well he may.
But he says, that, luckily, the invasion of
France, last year, destroyed several manu-
factories of arms. Courage! Monsieur le
Viscomte de Chateaubriand! Armless as
they will be, you would not, I imagine,
care to face any one of them, even with
Lally Tolendal at your back. This call-
ing out of the National Guard, Monsieur
le Viscomte calls an "immense haul; a

Napoleon is very violently abused, in our newspapers, for having put 50,000 muskets into the hands of the artizans and labourers of the suburbs of Paris, who are compared to the inhabitants of Rag-"general proscription; an extermination fair and St. Giles's. But, these writers "of the French people at a blow; a frighttell us, very often, of men charged with "ful and monstrous thing." crimes being sent by our magistrates to Turning from this sorry bombast, this the fleet or the army, instead of being ridiculous trash, we may I think, look sent to prison as malefactors. If our upon it as certain, that to keep the Bourcountry were invaded, would not the bons upon the throne of France, if once government accept of the offers of placed there, would require foreign sollabourers and artizans? If the rich, in diers stationed in every city, town, village France, should (I do not believe they and hamlet, unless those Bourbons gowill) endeavour to remain neutral, is verned upon the present principles. To there any chance of our seeing them so conquer, in such a way, such a nation as remain with impunity? If there be one France, is impossible. Language does rich to five poor, and if he does not con-not contain the words to describe the tribute the means to enable the five to means of effecting such subjugation. All act, himself setting the example, those the hired troops in all Europe would not means will, of course, be taken from him take from the people of France their and given, in one shape or another, to the lands, or make them pay tythes, or submit five poor. This was the principle upon to feudal rights and laws. And yet, if which the French nation acted before; this be not done, "French principles” and, if necessity again puts this principle remain, and the Pitt system has accomin practice, the consequences will naturally plished nothing but the distress and degrabe the same as before. dation of England and the creation of an American navy.

Thus, Sir, I think, I have shewn, that that system, which is still called the Pitt system, has completely failed in all that it professed to have in view, and that it is

If my view of the matter be, therefore, at all near the truth, it is not a holiday war, on which we are about to enter. Nor is it likely to be a very halcyon time with those, whom we say we have for our friends in France, and of whose punish-in a fair way of completely succeeding in ment, if detected, it is impossible that we destroying all that has supported it. But, can have the face to complain. "AI must not conclude without clearly provigour beyond the law" was justified in testing against being understood to asEngland at a time when England was not cribe this system exclusively to one of the invaded; when she had all Europe fight- two political parties who have so long ing, on her side against France; when been striving against each other for the there was scarcely a possibility of an possession of power. The party who are enemy setting foot on her shore. We now out of place, did, when they were in cannot, therefore, be surprised, if Napo- place, pursue precisely the same system,

"wealth of egotists; without new com"mittees of surveillance; without new "revolutionary tribunals; without a "new deportation of priests and ex-nobles; without all, or any of these, if 66 possible; but, at any rate, France must “be defended.” I lay little stress, therefore, on the accounts which are given us, of the respectable towns-people, the respectable proprietors, the respectable professional men, being for the King. These respectable people must march and fight, or their professions,, as in the first war, will serve as a reward for those who will fight and who are without possessions.

Indeed, they defended their measures by asserting that they were consonant to the principles and system of Pitt, and that he would have done the same under like circumstances. This the other party used to deny. Both parties pretended that they were, and still pretend that they are, the followers of Pitt. "Ours is his system," say one party. "No," say the other, "it is we who possess, his true system." Like the two convents of monks, who, in their holy zeal, blackguarded each other for four centuries, each of them swearing that they possessed exclusively the real" and venerable institution, in Algiers." cross on which Christ was crucified. A mu- I shall now insert, first, an account of the tual friend to these ghostly brotherhoods, grounds of war from the National Intelat one time, interfered, recommending aligencer, published at Washington; next miracle to make both real crosses. But the Report of Congress upon the subject, this did not suit the brotherhood whose and last, the Act of Congress declaring cross happened to be in vogue, as they war against Algiers. For, the reader would thereby have let their rivals in for will observe, that, in the Irregular Goa share of the offerings. vernment of America, war cannot be declared by the Chief Magistrate, without the consent of the people's real representatives.-I reserve a few remarks to fol low the documents.

of which Mr. Chateaubriand speaks so feelingly and so foolishly; one of the links in the chain of the “social system,” which has recently been under the hammers of so many able artizans at Vienna. The Regular Government of Algiers does not make any prefaces to war. It observes a dignified silence till it has actually begun and made some progress in the war! Till, it has made a good haul of the enemy's ships, before he knows that he is looked upon as an enemy. This is the practice of the Regular Government; the "ancient

No miracle is, however, necessary in the case before us. The people of England, long ago cured of party delusions; long ago sickened by the professions of hunters after place; long ago disgusted with the wrangling of the OUTS and the INS, whom they have constantly seen unite and cordially co operate against reform; the people are quite willing to give them both credit for possessing the real Pitt system, and to believe, that, if those who are now OUTS were INS, they would do precisely that which is now doing, and that which will be done, by their opponents.

I am, Sir, with great respect,

your faithful and obedient servant, WM. COBBETT.


As the war, which has now begun between the "Democratic Rulers" of America and the "Regular Government" of Algiers, may lead to important consequences, it is proper to insert here the grounds of this war, as far as we can come at them. We have the American official documents only. America has a tell-tale sort of government. It has no state secrets. It blabs out the proceedings in negociations, while the negociators are still assembled. Not so the Regular Government of Algiers, which is one of the "ancient and venerable institutions" which the Bostonian Noblesse so much admire; one of the "gems in the crown of ancient glory,"

Grounds of the War.-From the National

It is probable that many of our readers may not bear in mind the facts on which the recent Declaration of War against Algiers is predicated. We have, therefore, obtained for their information, the Report made on the subject by Mr. Gaston, of the House of Representatives, chairman of the committee, to whom the bill was recommitted in secret sitting.-The docu ments accompanying the Report, which are too long, and perhaps not proper, for present publication, are so conclusive, as to leave no doubt on the mind of any one who hears or reads them, of the impossibility of re-establishing Peace with the Dey of Algiers, unless by coercion, except under the most base and humiliating condition. Our readers may judge of the inveterate hostility of that barbarian tyrant towards us, growing merely out of the most sordid cupidity and natural ferocity and cruelty of temper, by two or three facts, collected from a momentary glance at the documents accompanying the Report of the committee.-A person was entrusted, as from the American merchants in Spain, with the task of endeavouring to procure the liberation of the eleven or twelve of our citizens captive in ́

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