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of homage and respect; for the Presbyterians of New England are very like the Presbyterians of Scotland, who are all things to all men, just as it suits their whim, or interest. In the newspapers of this day, you will see some traits of the genuine character of your friend, JONATHAN.

Beston, 4th April, 1815, Mr. COBBETT,―The following instance of unfair conduct is worthy your attention. The frigate President, Captain Decatur, after running a-ground, and, in consequence of it, losing her trim, fell in with Admiral Hotham's detachment, who haced her. The Endymion (the same that suffered so severely from the Neufchatel privateer) was nearest to her in the chace. This ship the President sifenced, and would certainly have taken her, had not the Pomone come to her assistance, and soon after that the Tenados, and an armed brig, and a rasee 74, but a little way astern of them. In this situation, Decatur, after doing all that any man in his situation could do, struck his colours, and delivered his sword to the commander of the 74.

that must excite their alarm, if not despair. In spite of their "benevolent societies," they are going down the stream and over the dam.

By consulting the Boston papers of last Autumn, you will find that the volunteer services, in the defence of Boston and the sea coast, far exceeded those of Philadelphia, and were only surpassed by New York. The Federalists were as eager as the Republicans "to meet the enemy at the water's edge." would have been, who shall close with the The only contest enemy first? Lord Liverpool's ignorance of the individual feeling proves him not fit for his station (4).

(4) No; but, it proves, that he never heard the truth, any more than his predecessors had done before him. I told it him; but I was not in the pay of government. It is the interest of those

who supply our government with intelligence

from America to deceive the ministers. Good news is pleasanter than bad; and, since conclu sions drawn in favour of the effects of the principles of freedom, have been looked upon as a proof of Jacobinism in the party drawing such conclusions, persons under the government can not be expected to be very forward in performing such an office. The evil, however, is very great. I verily believe, that PERCEVAL entered on the war, aud that it was afterwards continued, under the impression, that the States were ready to divide, and that a part of them was auxious to join this country against the Fe

Admiral Hotham say's officially, that the President was captured by a detachment of his fleet; and when Decatur arrived in New London, the populace took the horses from his coach, and dragged him in triumph through the streets, and the applause was universal.


But what have the officers of the Endy-deral Government. That such was the general mion done? They give out that the Presi-belief in this country is notorious. Nay, ninedent was taken by the Endymion; and tenths even of the readers of the Register bethis frigate has lately sailed from Bermuda lieved it. The mischievous falsehood had its for England with the President as HER rise in the disappointment and maiice of the PRIZE, having the English colours hoisted Massachusetts Noblesse, who are, by both coun over the American flag, signifying to all tries, to be fairly charged with being the chief they meet" We of the Endymion cause of the war. This nest of vipers cannot be ALONE took the American frigate Presi- too soon crushed. The people of America must This deserves to be gazetted clap their foot upon it, or the brood will, some throughout Europe, as it will be through time or other, sting them to death. This is a out America. Such miserable tricks are race of reptiles not be trifled with. As Ameunworthy the people whence we sprang. rica grows rich this race will raise their heads, It is furnishing Johnny Bull with a cork unless they be extirpated. The little beginnings jacket at the expence of honour. If he ought to be watched with infinite care. "The cannot hold his head up above the waves, "Honourable Gentleman," and "my Honourable without such a dishonourable apparatus, « Friend," are appellations of more practical let him sink.-" FIAT JUSTITIA RUAT " COELUM." consequence than the Americans seem to be JONATHAN. aware of. I see with pleasure, that the Presi P. S. By the return of votes yesterday, dent keeps to his good plain address of “Fellow we find that the federal party have lost "Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Reground since the last April, to a degree" presentatives." When the French Assembly



Botley, near Southampton, 30th May, 1815.

In my last Number, dated May 27th, 1815, I pointed out very fully how persons in America might write to me, or send papers, or pamphlets to me. I shall be obliged to the American Printers of newspapers to give insertion to that notification, as it may lead to a communication equally beneficial to both countries.-I have, in the article just mentioned, acknowledged my obligations to Mr. CAREY for his CALM ADDRESS." I have now


to thank a Friend at Boston for a copy of "the Olive Branch" by the same author; a work which deserves all the praise and all the success that it has met with. I have also received newspapers from Boston, and will use my best endeavours to repay these acts of civility in kind. I perceive that a letter which I wrote in December, or November last, addressed to a Correspondent in America," containing a comparative view of the Taxes, Debt, &c. of England and America, has been republished there.-I should be obliged to any one who would take the trouble to give me information about America on all the heads that I have there touched on with regard to England. The best way would be to do this in print in some American newspaper, in a letter addressed to me, with the writer's real name at the bottom. Men are more careful about facts when they publish in the face of those amongst whom they live, and are to live, and when they sign with their names that which they publish. In any thing intended for re-publication here, the writer must remember what sort of libel-laws we live under. He must abstain from much that he might be disposed to say. My letter, last-mentioned, may serve him as a model. He will there see a notable specimen of the spirits' sacrificing to the safety of the flesh.-And, after all, it is not to

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abolished titles, we laughed at their attachment to forms; but, in fact, they were substances. The war, now about to be entered on, will, per haps, bring them back again to the spot whence they started. At any rate, if America wishes to continue a Republic, she must resolutely set her face against these nick-names.



Difcounts, .

words, it is not to hard names; it is to thumping facts clearly stated, and to sound argument closely packed and strongly pressed upon the mind, that we must look for the producing of conviction. But, principally facts are the things. "Bricks! mortar!" I hear the fellow cry, when they are building houses. So, when men read, they keep crying out for facts.—If any new writer should be disposed to give me the information I seek, I cannot tell him what sort of style I like in any way so well as by telling him, that it is precisely the opposite of that of a letter, which I see in the Boston Yankee of the 6th Jan. 1815, signed " JOHN RANDOLPH, of Roanoke,' the feelings arising from the reading of which really resemble those which would succeed the swallowing of a quid of the tobacco grown on the borders of that delightful river. If this gentleman be not deemed insane, it must be allowed, I think, that his letter is a practical proof, that sanity may, at times, perform the func tions of madness.—I shall send, in a few of a small work, lately published here, by cause to be a MR. MORRIS BIRKBECK, on the internal state of France. AS MR. CAREY, or some one else, in America, may republish this work, a work of great consequence to the such re-publisher to know something of cause of freedom, it may be useful for such re-publisher to know something of the AUTHOR of the work; because when the work is a statement of facts, and when these rest upon the writers assertion, as being the fruit of his own observation, the value of the work must depend on the veracity and judgment of the author. Now, the author of this work is a most respectable man; he is a great farmer, occupying one whole parish and part of another; he is celebrated for his agricultural experience and skill; he was one of the persons whose evidence upon the abstruse subject of the order of the Committee of the House of Corn Bill was taken by and printed by the judges at the last prize show of MeLords last year; he was chosen as or of rino sheep in London.-Perhaps, in all England, there is not a man of fairer reputation; not one man, less to be suspected of straining facts to meet his own prejudices.—I much question if he will be pleased with me for undertaking to give him a character. But, though nothing that I can say would have any such effect in England, it is different as to America,

There he cannot be so well known; and, what the Whitehall people denominate his book, or, at least, the facts contained" existing circumstances.”

in it, being now the property of mankind,
it is just that it should go into other
countries, accompanied with all that fairly
belongs to it.


On the Debates relative to the commencement of the War against the French. Botley, 1st June, 1815. MY LORD, At last, then, you appear to have striken the first blow; for, we are now told, by the public prints, that our fleets have taken a French frigate in the Mediterranean. But, this is of no consequence as to the grand question. We have long been in a state, which would have justified France in attacking us openly; and, indeed, it has now been officially stated, that we, have for some time past, been at war, though to this very day, or, at least, till yesterday, French vessels have freely come into our ports, and have landed and sold their goods; and then sailed quietly for France. However, the fact is, that you and your colleagues have now distinctly asserted, that we are at war, and have been at war for some time.

Here you start, then; and, here I start with you, as I did with your worthy colleague in the American war; that is to say, in that war which, as we are told, was to depose Mr. MADISON. I mean to accompany you through this war. I have been hesitating who I should go along with; but, after due consideration, I have preferred your Lordship to every body else; not merely because you were the aptest of all Pitt's disciples; not because you have been the grand actor at the Congress; not because you have, in point of character, more at stake on this war than any other man, excepting only Napoleon; but because the times are likely to be ticklish, and because the mere sound of your well-known name is enough to fill any man living with ...



... prudence, my Lord. Doubtless we shall see times different from these; and I am not at all afraid, that I shall have to address you in those times; but we must, in this world, take things as we find them, and fashion ourselves a little to

Therefore, my noble companion, before we start upon our journey, it is my intention, in this letter, to put upon record the substance of what has now been published to the nation, in the report of the debates in Parliament, upon the following subjects: 1st, of the character of Napoleon; 28, of the French system of Government; 3rd, of our present situation with regard to France; 4th, of the Pitt System; 5th, of the great means of the Allies against France, including subsidies; 6th, of the small means of the French to defend themselves; 7th, Morality of the subsidies. Who that sets out on a voyage does not wish to understand something about the road that he has to go? This, however, it is not always in his power to arrive at; but, he must be a fool indeed, if he undertakes (if he can avoid it) a journey without knowing why he undertakes it. The causes of the two former wars against the French were lost sight of, long before the wars were half over. This was a very great evil. It was not so with the late American war. I myself took charge of the cause of that war; and, in spite of all that falsehood and hypocrisy have been able to do, on both sides of the Atlantic, the cause, the character, the result, the effects, of that war are all clearly understood. So shall they all, in this case, unless I am deprived very speedily of all my bodily or all my mental powers. Give me life and health for only three. months longer, and I defy all the ingenuity and all the impudence of all the corrupt hirelings in England (and their number is not small) to cause ignorance to prevail in this country as to the real cause, or causes, of the war, on which we are about to enter.

From the time of Napoleon's return being announced, our hirelings of the press cried war! I cried, peace! peace! Between the 11th of March last and the present time, I have published 1st, Two articles at the head of the Register; 2nd, My first Letter to you; 3rd, A Letter to Louis; 4th, My second Letter to you; 5th, A Letter to the Merchants; 6th, A Letter to the excellent people of Nottingham; 7th, A Letter to the Earl of Liverpool, (called the VII.); 8th, A Letter to the Fundholders; 9th, My

enough there, who assail Napoleon; or, at least, who used to do it. Now, I hereby challenge any one of these upon the subject. Let him, like a man, publish in the

third Letter to you; 10th, A Letter to Sir Francis Burdett. In these ten papers, accompanied with the official documents, all to be found in the Register, I flatter myself, that we shall hereafter be able to Boston federal papers the Daily Adsee (without hunting through volumes of vertiser, a regular attack upon the chaverbose, stupid stuff, in one shape or ano-racter and conduct of Napoleon, emther) a complete history not only in bracing all parts, public and private, of point of fact, but of argument, of the be- that character and conduct. Let any one ginning of this war. These articles con- do this; let the paper be sent to me; and tain, too, the political economy of the I pledge myself to answer it, in a Letter question, which you and your colleagues, sent in manuscript to that same paper. If and even your opponents, take little or no the assailant puts his name, he will act notice of. Thus far, then, I have made more like a man; but, I will not stand all safe; but, before we actually enter upon that point. He must take this along upon the work of blood, I mean, further, with him, however; that I shall not admit to put upon record the fair substance of of any fact being true, merely upon the what has been published as the reasons assertion of any body; and when such for the war, stated in the House of Com- assertion has been often repeated without mons, during the debate upon the question any attempt at PROOF, I shall always of war itself; because, the time is to regard that circumstance as a presumpcome when we shall have to refer to, and tive proof of its falshood.-But, though I, to cite, these opinions and declarations. I for the reasons here stated, decline entering should, perhaps, take notice of a reported into what I call an ANSWER upon the subdebate of the Lords; but, it would be but ject of the character of Napoleon, there repetition. I shall now proceed, point by is a passage in the report of Mr. GRATpoint, to notice the report, and particularly TAN's speech that I ought to put upon to put its substance upon record. record, at least.--It is this: "He had "I"made his brother King of Holland—






İ. Of the character of Napoleon. shall be very short upon this head," he had banished the Prince Regent "Lions are not painters; if they were,' "of Portugal from his native land he said the Lion in the fable," you would "had imprisoned the King of Spain"not see a man painted in the attitude of" he had raised an army of 60,000 men, "crushing a Lion." I totally disagree" which he meant to employ solely for the with all those, who drew hideous pictures purpose of conferring the same favour of Napoleon's character; I could, even on the King of England; and had the with safety, triumphantly answer what space between the wo countries been was said; but, justice would demand a wholly composed of land-had not that full exhibition of the contrast that might "channel intervened which gave full scope be presented; and, as this cannot be made "to the power of the British navy, he with perfect freedom, the answer ought "would long ago have put his design not to be entered on. It would be the "into execution. When he conceived the height of injustice to enter on the defence" wild and extravagant idea of conquerof any man without being free to produce" ing Europe, he acknowledged he must all that can be produced in his justifi-"first conquer England, and complained cation; what, then, would it be to enter on such defence without being able to produce hardly any of the main facts, calculated to put the character of Napoleon in its true light? Let it be declared, that truth shall never more be a libel; and, then, the character of Napoleon will have it fair chance; then, and not till then, will his abusers have a right to expect, that until contradicted, their assertions ought to pass for truth. But, there" are Aristocrats and Cossack Priests enough in New England. There are men



bitterly of the power of her marine, the "subversion of which he was determined "to attempt by the destruction of her commerce. For the attainment of this 66 object he put in motion all his political engines; and after subjugating the "whole continent of Europe to his sway, "he contrived to place you between two "fires-that is, between the Continent in "Europe, in which was the army of


France, and another Continent in Ame "rica, which was our great rival for the palm of commercial greatness, and by

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"these means endeavoured to effect our treaty, too, hostile to English commerce? "utter destruction. He deluded the Empe- I am very anxious upon this point, my "C ror of Russia into a treaty with him, by Lord; because, if an Emperor really has "which he put an end to all commercial been deluded into one treaty, it is possible 66 relations between Russia and England; that he may be deluded into another. Be"and because the Emperor of that vast sides, if I mistake not,our magnanimous ally empire did not adhere to the prohibi-had had, at the time alluded to, ample op"tions which he (Bonaparte) was conti- portunity of knowing Napoleon's views as nually dictating, he would if he could, well as character. It was in 1808, I behave driven him and his people into the lieve, when Napoleon's army was in Spain frozen ocean. After having received and when his brother was on the throne "the most signal favours from the King of the country. If I do not mistake, too, "of Prussia, he avowed the intention of the Emperor, at that time, recognized as putting him out of the list of crowned valid what had been done in Spain. Grant "heads; and after all those acts of feroci- that this was delusion, however, it is very "ous enmity and malignant hostility, the perilous to have to do with such man; a "Allies when they arrived at the gates of man, who was able to delude the two "Paris, did an act which reflected on Kings of Spain to abdicate in his favour; "them the highest honour-an act which to delude the Pope to marry him to a se"posterity should never forget-the Al- cond wife while the first was alive; to de"lies had magnanimously given to France lude the Emperor of Austria to give him "liberty; and to Bonaparte life and the his daughter in marriage; to delude Rus"Island of Elba."-He had made his sia, Austria, Prussia, Spain, and Holland, brother King of Holland; Well? and to declare war against England; to dewhat was that more than making his bro-lude Austria, Prussia, Bavaria, Saxony, ther-in-law King of Sweden, or, at least, to join him in a war to invade Russia. heir apparent to the Crown? And, Mr. Really, this is delusion upon a grand scale Grattan ought to bear in mind, that we indeed! But, if he did so delude all these have confirmed that act by a solemn trea- powers before, and even contrived to bring ty. I do not know that he banished the America upon us, is there not a possibility, Prince Regent of Portugal, or that he im- at any rate, that he may be successful in prisoned the King of Spain; but, I know his delusive acts again?-Mr. Grattan's revery well, that he had as great right to porter tells us, that Napoleon, after havboth, as Charles V. had to imprisoning "received the most signal favours Francis I.-And, what if he did intend to from the King of Prussia, he avowed his take England, and capture the King of intention" of putting him out of the list England? Did not a King of England once of crowned heads." I never heard of do that in France? If he did not, our his- these favours before. I knew, that, on torians are shocking liars.-But, my Lord, the other side, Napoleon was twice in posmind, Mr. Grattan says, that, if there had session of Berlin; that the Royal Family been no water between, Napoleon would twice fled; and that, to the infinite morhave had our king in prison. I know, that tification of the Republicans all over the the French used to say this; but, I always world, Napoleon replaced the King of used to believe, that England could have Prussia in his dominions and authority. defended itself without the aid of the water. I knew, too, that a Prussian army marched However, since this second Burke tells us with Napoleon against Russia; and that the contrary, we must not hesitate any lon- the King of Prussia issued a proclamation, ger. Napoleon "contrived" to place us be- severely condemning D'Yorck for his tween two fires; he contrived to bring the going over and leaving Napoleon. But, Americans upon us; he deluded the Emperor really, I never heard of any favours, reof Russia into a treaty hostile to our com-ceived by Napoleon from the King of Prusmerce, and then, because the Emperor sia.-The allies, Mr. Grattan says, magwould not adhere to the prohibitions nanimously gave Napoleon life and the which Napoleon was dictating, he went island of Elba. You have denied this, to war with the Emperor and his polite several times, in the most positive terms, people. But, my Lord, is it true, that an You have asserted, that the treaty of ForEmperor, our ally, can be deluded; and, tainbleau was a treaty of policy; you more especially into a treaty; and, a have asserted, that the allies were by Lo

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