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requested the adoption of a similar measure on the part of Spain, by the ordering the retirement from our Frontier of a few Individuals of that Nation who excited apprehensions in France; and His Majesty was happy in acceding to that request, founded as it was on principles of mutual convenience. The late occurrences in Navarre drew some seditious Spaniards to the vicinity of our Frontiers, with the view, no doubt, of aiding the movements of the Factious. His Majesty immediately directed our Minister Plenipotentiary in Paris to demand that they should be sent into the Interior, and the French Government issued the necessary orders for that purpose. The King has also ordered his Minister in France to signify to the Government of His Most Christian Majesty, his hope that no succours will be furnished to the factious Refugees in that Country, and that it will take the proper measures of precaution, to prevent the importation into Spain, of arms or ammunition, destined for the use of the seditious. The abuse made, and still making, by some of the French Journals, of their liberty of the press, to attack our wise Institutions, and to give an unfavourable idea of the affairs of Spain, has also furnished a motive for addressing reclamations to the French Government. That Government has promised to take them into consideration, excusing itself, however, from the adoption of energetic measures for correcting such abuses, by intimating that the power which it exercises over the press is confined, principally, to the internal concerns of the Kingdom, and that it would not be an easy matter to restrain the indignation excited in the minds of the Censors and Journalists in France, by the grievous insults to which the publick Functionaries in that Country are frequently exposed, on the part of the Newspaper Writers of Spain.

In order to put an end to the frequent disputes that have occurred between the Inhabitants of the Frontiers of Spain and France, arising chiefly from the use of the pasture grounds, and to settle the doubtful demarkation of the Boundaries between the two Powers, the French Government has suggested that it would be necessary and mutually expedient to fix precisely the respective limits, by means of Engineers to be appointed for that purpose. The demarkation of the course of the River Reus, as respects the Province of Catalonia, has been completed.

The sad result which has attended the efforts made in the Kingdoms of Naples and Sardinia, to preserve the Constitutional System which they had proclaimed, has reduced our relations with these Powers to a passive state.

We continue to maintain a good understanding with the Court of Rome. His Holiness has yielded to several requests of the Spanish Government, which were demanded by our Political Institutions; and others of a like nature, and necessary for the welfare of the Nation, are at present the subject of active Communications between the two Governments.

Such is the compendium of our Political Relations with Foreign

Powers. The anxiety of His Majesty is invariably to preserve for Spain the inestimable blessings of Peace; to maintain her in the rank which belongs to her among Nations, on account of the repeated proofs of heroism which she has given; and to make it evident that, whilst she religiously respects the rights of other Powers, she will never allow her own to be infringed; and that she will not suffer any attempt to be made against her Political Institutions, which form the delight of all Spaniards who are intimately united with their Constitutional King. FRANCISCO MARTINEZ DE LA ROSA.

Madrid, 1st March, 1822.

MESSAGE of the President of The United States to Congress, relative to the Recognition of the Independence of the Spanish American Colonies.-26th April, 1822.

To the Senate of The United States.

Washington, 26th April, 1822.

I TRANSMIT to the Senate, agreeably to their Resolution of yesterday, a Report from the Secretary of State, with Copies of the Papers requested by that Resolution, in relation to the Recognition of the South American Provinces. JAMES MONROE.

Department of State, 25th April, 1822.

THE Secretary of State, to whom has been referred a Resolution of the Senate, of this day, requesting the President to communicate to the Senate any information he may have, proper to be disclosed, from our Minister at Madrid, or from the Spanish Minister resident in this Country, concerning the views of Spain relative to the Recognition of the Independence of the South American Colonies, and of the Dictamen of the Spanish Cortes, has the honour to submit to the President, Copies of the Papers particularly referred to.



1822. Page

1. The Spanish Minister to the Secretary of State...Washington... 9th March. 752 2. The Secretary of State to the Spanish Minister..Washington... 6th April. 754 3. The Spanish Minister to the Secretary of State...Philadelphia..11th April. 756 4. Mr. Forsyth to the Secretary of State... .Madrid.... .14th Feb. 756 .Madrid.. .12th Feb.

Inclosure... Dictamen of the Cortes..



(1.)-Don Joaquin de Anduaga to the Secretary of State.-(Translation.) SIR, Washington, 9th March, 1822.

In the National Intelligencer of this day, I have seen the Message sent by the President to the House of Representatives, in which he proposes the Recognition, by The United States, of the Insurgent Governments of Spanish America. How great my surprise was, may be easily judged by any one acquainted with the conduct of Spain to

wards this Republick, and who knows the immense sacrifices she has made to preserve her friendship. In fact, who could think, that, in return for the cession of her most important Provinces in this Hemisphere; for the forgetting of the plunder of her commerce by American Citizens; for the privileges granted to their Navy; and for as great proofs of friendship as one Nation can give to another, this Executive would propose that the Insurrection of the Ultra Marine Possessions of Spain should be countenanced? And, moreover, will not his astonishment be augmented to see that this Power is desirous to give the destructive example of sanctioning the Rebellion of Provinces, which have received no offence from the Mother Country, to those to whom she has granted a participation of a Free Constitution, and to whom she has extended all the rights and prerogatives of Spanish Citizens? In vain will a parallel be attempted to be drawn between the emancipation of this Republick, and that which the Spanish Rebels attempt; and history is sufficient to prove, that if a harassed and persecuted Province has a right to break its chains, others, loaded with benefits, elevated to the high rank of Freemen, ought only to bless and embrace more closely the protecting Country which has bestowed such favours upon them.

But even admitting that morality ought to yield to policy, what is the present state of Spanish America, and what are its Governments, to entitle them to Recognition? Buenos Ayres is sunk in the most complete anarchy, and each day sees new Despots produced, who disappear the next. Peru, conquered by a Rebel Army, has near the gates of its Capital another Spanish Army, aided by part of the Inhabitants. In Chili, an Individual suppresses the sentiments of the Inhabitants, and his violence presages a sudden change. On the Coast of Firma, also, the Spanish Banners wave, and the Insurgent Generals are occupied in quarrelling with their own Compatriots, who prefer taking the part of a Free Power, to that of being the Slave of an Adventurer. In Mexico, too, there is no Government, and the result of the questions which the Chiefs commanding there have put to Spain is not known. Where, then, are those Governments which ought to be recognized? Where the pledges of their stability? Where the proof that those Provinces will not return to a union with Spain, when so many of their Inhabitants desire it? And, in fine, where the right of The United States to sanction and declare legitimate a rebellion, without cause, and the event of which is not even decided?

I do not think it necessary to prove; that if the state of Spanish America were such as it is represented in the Message; that if the existence of its Governments were certain and established; that if the impossibility of its re-union with Spain were indisputable; and that if the justice of its Recognition were evident; the Powers of Europe, interested in gaining the friendship of Countries so important for their

commerce, would have been negligent in availing themselves of it. But, seeing how distant is the prospect even of this result, faithful to the ties which unite them with Spain, they should await the issue of the Contest, and abstain from doing a gratuitous injury to a friendly Government, the advantages of which are doubtful, and the odium certain. Such will be that which Spain will receive from The United States, in case the Recognition proposed in the Message should take effect; and posterity will be no less likely to wonder, that the Power which has received the greatest proofs of the friendship of Spain, should be the one delighted with being the first to take a step, which could have only been expected from one that had been injured.

Although I could enlarge upon this unpleasant subject, I think it useless to do so, because the sentiments which the Message ought to excite in the breast of every Spaniard, can be no secret to you. Those which the King of Spain will experience, at receiving a notification so unexpected, will be, doubtless, very disagreeable; and, at the same time that I hasten to communicate it to His Majesty, I think it my duty to protest, as I do solemnly protest, against the Recognition of the Governments mentioned, of the Insurgent Spanish Provinces of America, by The United States; declaring that it can in no way, now, or at any time, lessen or invalidate, in the least, the right of Spain to the said Provinces, or to employ whatever means may be in her power to reunite them to the rest of her Dominions.

I pray you, Sir, to be pleased to lay this Protest before the Presi dent; and I flatter myself, that, convinced of the solid reasons which have dictated it, he will suspend the measure which he has proposed to Congress, and that he will give to His Catholick Majesty this proof of his friendship and of his justice. I remain, &c.

The Hon. J. Q. Adams.



(2.)-The Secretary of State to the Minister from Spain. Department of State, Washington, 6th April, 1822. YOUR Letter of the 9th of March was, immediately after I had the honour of receiving it, laid before the President of The United States, by whom it has been deliberately considered, and by whose direction I am, in replying to it, to assure you of the earnestness and sincerity with which this Government desires to entertain and to cultivate the most friendly relations with that of Spain.

This disposition has been manifested, not only by the uniform course of The United States in their direct political and commercial intercourse with Spain, but by the friendly interest which they have felt in the welfare of the Spanish Nation, and by the cordial sympathy with which they have witnessed their spirit and energy, exerted in maintaining their independence of all Foreign control, and their right of self-government.

In every question, relating to the Independence of a Nation, two principles are involved, one of right and the other of fact. The former exclusively depending upon the determination of the Nation itself, and the latter resulting from the successful execution of that determination. This right has been recently exercised, as well by the Spanish Nation in Europe, as by several of those Countries in the American Hemisphere, which had for 2 or 3 Centuries been connected, as Colonies, with Spain. In the conflicts which have attended these Revolutions, The United States have carefully abstained from taking any part, respecting the right of the Nations concerned in them to maintain, or new organize, their own Political Constitutions, by observing, wherever it was a Contest by Arms, the most impartial Neutrality. But the Civil War, in which Spain was for some Years involved with the Inhabitants of her Colonies in America, has, in substance, ceased to exist. Treaties, equivalent to an acknowledgment of Independence, have been concluded by the Commanders and Vice-Roys of Spain herself, with the Republick of Colombia, with Mexico, and with Peru; while, in the Provinces of La Plata and in Chili, no Spanish Force has for several Years existed, to dispute the Independence which the Inhabitants of those Countries had declared.

Under these circumstances, the Government of The United States, far from consulting the dictates of a policy questionable in its morality, has yielded to an obligation of duty of the highest order, by recoguizing as Independent States, Nations which, after deliberately asserting their right to that character, had maintained and established it, against all the resistance which had been or could be brought to oppose it. This Recognition is neither intended to invalidate any right of Spain, nor to affect the employment of any means which she may yet be disposed or enabled to use, with the view of reuniting those Provinces to the rest of her Dominions. It is the mere acknowledgment of existing facts, with the view to the regular establishment with the Nations newly formed, of those relations, political and commercial, which it is the moral obligation of Civilized and Christian Nations to entertain reciprocally with one another.

It will not be necessary to discuss with you a detail of facts, upon which your information appears to be materially different from that which has been communicated to this Government, and is of publick notoriety; nor the propriety of the denominations which you have attributed to the Inhabitants of the South American Provinces. It is not doubted, that other and more correct views of the whole subject will very shortly be taken by your Government, and that as well as the other European Governments, will shew that deference to the example of The United States, which you urge as the duty or the policy of The United States to shew to theirs. The effect of the example of one Independent Nation upon the Councils and measures of

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