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INDIANA MEMORIAL.

some suitable place on the United States' lands in this territory. And whereas in the counties of To the honorable the Senate and House of Represen- Knox, Gibson, and Clark, in said territory, a great tatives of the United States, in Congress assembled. quantity of the lands in said counties are claimed The memorial of the legislative council and house by private individuals, and confirmed to them by of representatives of the Indiana territory, asvarious laws of congress, which lands are so loca. sembled at the town of Corydon, in the year benefits from the 16th section, reserved by the ted that those counties will be deprived of the 1815, in behalf of their constituents, respectful-laws of congress for the use of schools; it is there

ly showeth

fore expected that congress will reserve an equivalent in lands for the use of schools in said counues, in proportion to the number of the 16th section now the property of individuals in said counties. As it is deemed good policy that every state should have its seat of government as nearly cen tral as the local situation of the country will permit, and as such site proper for the permanent seat is not at this time at the disposal of this ter ritory or the general government, it is expected that congress will, whenever the Indian title shall be extinguished, grant us a township of six miles square, to be selected by such persons as the future state may appoint.

And whereas congress will receive the most cor-
rect information from this body to enable them to
proportion the number of representatives to the
convention in the different counties, we recom-
mend the following, as proportioned to the census
of each coun y, according to their present bounda-
ries, to wit:
Wayne 4
Franklin 5
Dearborn 3
Gibson 4
Perry

Swisserland 1 Washington 5
Jefferson

Clark

Posey

1351

Harrison 4
Knox
5
Warrick 1

1 And whereas the inhabitants of this territory are principally composed of emigrants from every part of the union, and as various in their customs and sentiments as in their persons, we think it prudent at this time to express to the general government our attachment to the fundamental principles of legislation, prescribed by congress in their ordinance for the government of his territory, particularly as respects personal freedom and involuntary serv.ude, nd hope hat they may be continued as the basis of the constitution. (Signed)

That whereas the ordinance of congress for the government of this territory has provided "That whenever there shall be sixty thousand free inhabitants therein, this territory shall be admitted into the union on an equal footing with the original states;" and whereas by a census taken by the authority of the legislature of this territory, it ap-|| pears from the returns that the number of free white inhabitants exceeds sixty thousand-we therefore pray the honorable senate and house of representatives, in congress assembled, to order an election to be conducted agreeably to the existing laws of this territory, to be held in the several counties of this territory on the first Monday of May 1816, for representatives to meet in convention, at the seat of government of this territory, the-day of-1816, who when assembled, shall de termine by a majority of the votes of all the mem. bers elected, whether it will be expedient, or in. expedient to go into a state government; and if it be determined expedient, the convention thus assembled shall have the power to form a constitution and trame of government, or if it be deemed inexpedient, to provide for the election of representatives to meet in convention, at some future period, to form a constitution. And whereas the people of this territory have made great sacrifices, by settling on the frontiers, where they have been exposed to dangers and hardships of almost every description, by which means the lands of the United States have been greatly increased in value, we feel confident that congress will be disposed to grant us seven per cent. on all monies received at any of the United State's land offices, from the 1st day of April, 1816, for lands already sold or hereafter to be sold, lying in this territory; such per centage to be at the disposal of this government, in such way as may be judged most conducive to the general welfare. It is expected by us that the general government will be disposed to confirm to us her grant of township No. 2, south of range 11, west of the second principal meridian, granted to the Indiana territory for the use of an acadamy; also the reserved section 16, in that portion of the territory where the Indian title has already been extinguished, as well as that which may be here. after purchased from the Indians, to be at the disposal of the future state for the use of schools; and it is further requested and expected, that all coal mines and salt licks which may be reserved by the United States, (with a sufficiency of land to work them to effect) will be granted to the future state, as well where the Indian title is relinquished as The committee to whom were referred, on the where it is not, as soon as said relinquishment is 6th inst. the memorial of the legislative council obtained by the United States. Furthermore, a and house of representatives of the Mississippi it is conceived by us, that the promotion of useful territory, praying for the admission of said terknowledge is the best guarantee to our civil insti-ritory into the union as a state; and, on the 14th tutions, and as congress must know something of the difficulties of raising money in new countries for the use of universities, we think we do ourselves but justice in asking a reserve of one entire town. ship, for the support of a college, to be located at

DENIS PENNINGTON,
Speaker of the house of representatives
DAVID ROBB,
President of the legislative council.

December 14, 1815.

MISSISSIPPI TERRITORY.

Report of the committee of the house of representatives to whom was referred, on the 6th inst. the memorial of the legislature of the Mississippi territory, praying for admission into the union, as an independent state.

instant, the petitions of sundry inhabitants east of Pearl river in the same territory, praying that provision may be made for taking a census of its ci izens previous to such admission, respectfull submit the following report.

By the articles of agreement and cession be- with or without division, the local government tween the United States and the state of Georgia, will, for a long time at least, have to sustain. it is provided, "That the territory thus ceded, In relation to the simple question of admission, (now Mississippi territory) shall form a state, and as presented by the memorialists, precedents are be admitted as such into the union, as soon as it not wanting, either to encourage their application, shall contain sixty thousand free inhabitants, or at or to grant their request. The state of Ohio was an earlier period, if congress shall think it expe- admitted before it possessed the number which the dient, on the same conditions and restrictions, ordinance required, and Louisiana did not come in with the same privileges, and in the same manner, as to time or numbers, in virtue of a strict and as is provided in the ordinance of congress, of the insuperable claim. It is not improbable that the 13th day of July, 1787, for the government of the Mississippi territory may contain, at this time, a western territory of the United States, which or- greater population than either of those states did dinance shall in all its parts, extend to the terri-when they were admitted; and it is believed that tory contained in the present act of cession, that article only excepted which forbids slavery.”

its state of political minority and probation, has been of longer duration than that of any of the The memorialists, after stating the number of adopted states.-I then, after fifteen years of repersons taken under the last general census,straint, the people of this country should evince which was forty thousand three hundred and fifty-even an impatient desire for enlargement, it two of all descriptions, and adverting to the ac- is but just to ascribe it to that sense of independcession of population produced by the annexation ence which is common to the nation, and which of a part of West Florida, and by subsequent emi- should be rather encouraged than depressed. It grations, conclude that the territory contained at is a policy worthy of a government which is conthat time (December 1814) the number required stituted and maintained by the public will, to fosby the agreement referred to above, to entitle it ter throughout the union, those feelings which to admission on an equal footing with the origi- give energy to the national character, and to exnal states. As this, however, was a matter of cof- tend to every por ion of it those rights which conjecture and uncertainty, they solicit admission as duce to the general good. Nor could a period an act of courtesy on the part of the U. States. more propitious to these ends be selected than the Your committee possess no means of forming || present, when all American citizens have new any thing like a satisfactory estimate of the pre- cause to approve of their principles, to confide in sent population of the territory in question; but their ins itutions, and to be proud of their name. they conceive that, unless it be the determination So far your committee have considered this subof congress to defer its admission until it can beject, as though an immediate admission of the terclaimed in strict conformity to the compact with Georgia, there is no good reason for a further delay on the score of a deficiency of numbers, as such deficiency, if now questionable, will not pro-peatedly solicited, or a succession of years; it is bably much longer exist. Without taking into consideration the recent settlers, who are subject to the late proclamation under the "act to prevent settlement being made," &c. the presumption is not unreasonable that, if any considerable part of the lands obtained from the Creeks, is prepared for a legal settlement within the time contemplated, the territory will contain more than the number required, before it can be finally erected into a state.

It is known to your committee that the consent of Georgia to a division of this territory, has been asked and obtained, and should it be divided before it is admitted, the admission of either part would, from a want of numbers, be subject to additional objection and further delay,

ritory were desired by all the inhabitants; but they are not prepared to say that such is the fact.Whilst it is true that such admission has been re.

also true that about four years ago, a small minority of the representative branch of the territorial legislature protested against it; and that about a year thereafter, a considerable number of the people themselves petitioned that all proceedings in congress, on the subject, might be postponed. It was on these two occasions, only, as your commit. tee believe, that any indisposition to a state government has been expressed to a national legislature, by any of the people of the territory, or of their representatives in their behalf. Nor is it understood or believed that the reluctance manifested by a portion of those people, arose from a want of due and equal appreciation of the rights and advantages of an independent state. The causes of opposition so far as any opposition has been shown, But doubt may be entertained, whether the ter- seem to have been, in part, an unwillingness to inritory can, with strict propriety, be divided, with- cur additional expense in supporting a state gov out the consent of its inhabitants, as well as that ernment whilst under a peculiar pressure from the of Georgia and of the United States. Although war; but chiefly, an apprehension that a state gov the people of the territory had no agency in the ernment with its inseparable appendage, a federal agreement above quoted, they were the object of district court, would be immediately followed by it, and as such, became a third party to it, and a great number of expensive and dangerous, if not vested by it of a right which is explicitly defined. ruinous law suits for lands, which would grow out This agreement provides "that the territory thus of (what are called) the Yazoo and British claims: ceded, shall form a state, (not one or more states) The war however, is now at an end, and the Yazoo and shall be admitted as such into the union, as claims may be considered as quieted; but the Britsoon as it shall contain sixty thousand free inhabi-ish claims still exist, and constitute the subject tants." If, then, admission shall be deferred, in consequence of division, the expectation of the inhabitants will be disappointed and their right impaired. It is chiefly to avoid such a result that || your committee have declined recommending a division of the territory, which otherwise might be expedient to lessen the inconveniences which,

of several petitions now before congress, on which it is not the province of your committee to speak.

The petitions of sundry inhabitants east of Pearl river, in the same territory, which also have been referred to your committee, as having relation to the question which has been considered; state that the eastern parts of said territory have not an equal

length five feet, and thickness two inches; making a mass of 2,600 and 40 cubic inches of elastic mar

ble.

share of representation with the western, in the teritorial legislature, suggest an apprehension that such inequality may continue under a state government-and pray that provision may be made This slab when shaken undulates sensibly backfor taking a census of the people of the territory,wards and forwards; when supported at the two for the purpose of securing to all a representation extremities the middle forms a curve of about two according to numbers and equal rights. If the inches from a horizontal line; and when turned interposition of congress be necessary to effect over recovers itself, and inclines as much the other what the petitioners have principally in view, way. It has many other curious properties. The namely, a fair representation in the convention substance under consideration has been already which will be elected to form a constitution, some described by Mr. Meade, in a memoir printed in general provision to his end will properly belong the American Mineralogical Journal; and New to the ac authorizing the convention to be chosen; York now probably contains the largest piece that and should it, nevertheless, afterwards appear, to the world can produce. Aurora. the satis action of congress, that any part of the territory has not had is due proportion of repre sentation in such convention, they will, no doub. use the corrective which they possess, in rejecting the constitution which may be formed.

Summary of Foreign Events.

The Bi ish government have paid five hundred thousand pounds to the Portuguese for the detention of their slave vessels.

The circulation of English newspapers in France has been provisionally suspended by order of the minister of police.

Upon a full view of the whole subject which has been refered to the consideration of your committee, they are of opinion, that it is expedient to admit the Mississippi territory into the union as prayed for by the memorialists, and have prepared a bill for the purpose, which they ask leave to report.powers relative to the final fate of Bonaparte, da

Our Neighbors.-The Quebec Gazette of the 15th February, contains the following among other remarks on the recent correspondence of the secretary of state with the Spanish minister. They aic of a different complexion from former articles of Canadian manufacture:

The convention between the principal allied

ied the 24 of August last, is published. It stipulates that he is to be considered their prisonerthat the custody of him is entrusted to the British government, who are authorised to settle the place of his confinement, and devise the measures of securely keeping him-each court to have a commissioner to abide at the place of his residence, and the king of France to be invited to appoint one.

In February a small expedition was preparing to sail from Cadiz for S. America. Its particular destination was not known.

The emperor Alexander has invite I some of the most distinguished of the French exiles to settle his empire.

The transport Seahorse was wrecked near Tranmore on the coast of Ireland about the first of February. Out of three hundred and sixty six persons only thirty two were saved.

"Will there be war between Spain and the United States? This will depend upon the spirit of Ferdinand the adored; that the Americans will keep what they have got, and ardently desire to have more, that they will trade where they can advantageously, and make their country a refuge for a population of all nations, is not to be doubin ed. That they will fight rather than forego any of these advantages, we have ample evidence; and we are greatly mistaken if the government and a great proportion of the population would not be glad of a declaration of war on the part of Spain. The beat of the drum would imme-tria and Bavaria, diately assemble a large army beyond the Alleganies It appears that Morillo the Spanish commander for an expedition to Mexico, nay, they would even at Carthagena, is pursuing the most summary and enlist for Peru; the Decaturs, the Porters, the Per-vindictive vengence, by executing numbers of the rys, and hords of privateersmen, would glory in a revolutionary inhabitants. war with Spain.-But will Grea Britain interfere? Such an event no doubt would be unpleasant; but after the result of the last war, it is not to be expected that, even in that case, the United States would readily yield up any of the present preten

sions."

There is some probability of a war between Aus

The Baron Quinet'a de Rochemont, late secretary to the provisional government in France, and his son have arrived in New-York.

Gen. Wilson and suite passed through the state of New-York, in March, on their way to Quebec. It is stated that he has seen much service in India under Wellington. He is to succeed general Drummond, "as administrator in chief, civil and military over the two Canadas.

In Paris the reign of terror is represented as at its height, and he prisons full.

Elastic Marble of Massachusetts. Some time ago Dr. Mitchell exhibited to the New York Philosophical society a specimen of American elastic marble, measuring four fee in A Dutch vessel entered the river of Caen.-The length, three inches in breadth, and one inch in inhabitants of Caen seeing a red, blue, and white thickness. The slab was of a snowy whiteness, of flag, believed it was the French national flag; and a grained structure, and of remarkable flexibility.te news spread immediately through t' e town, He had received it of Messrs. Noris and Kain, who got it from the quarry in Pittsfield Massachusetts. Since the receipt of this extraordinary sample, another one, of a far more considerable size, has been procured by Mr. Meyher, from Stockbridge. This he is preparing for a place in Dr. Mitchell's cabinet of minerology. The dimensions of this stone are as follows: breadth one foot ten inches,

that the emperor was returning. The whole of the national guards flew to their arins, and every man hastened to the port to receive him. When the error was discovered, the royal authorities resumed their superiority. This is said to be the motive for arresting the Prefect of Des Calvadoes, and the orders for breaking up and afterwards reorgani lizing the national guard.

NO. 6. VOL, I.]

rdi newspa

WASHINGTON, SATURDAY, APRIL 6, 1816..

[WHOLE NO. 6.

PUBLISHED WEEKLY, BY JOEL K. MEAD, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.

no appeal. These are the distinctive characteristics of American rights, for which their ancestors have moistened the battle field with their blood, and which their posterity enjoy unimpaired to the present hour. We must not wonder therefore, that when foreigners visit us, they are surprised and astonished at the extent of our privileges. While they stigmatize and upbraid us as a rebellious nation, incapable of any government short of the sword, they pay, in part, the highest, altho' an involuntary compliment to the freedom of our civil and political institutions. They manifest to the

racter. One foreigner, for instance, remarks thus, that "when congress are out of session, the American government is no where to be found. The President, and all his secretaries, retire to their respective farms, and at the seat of government, nothing but the clerks, and understrappers of of

the inference! Why forsooth, that the Americans have no government! And yet this foreigner will discover all the machinery of an organized government going on; no tumult beyond the newspapers; no riot, no disturbance; the foreigner beholds agriculture still flourishing; the whitening

A foreigner, unacquainted with the freedom of our political institutions, arriving in this country, is prone to imagine that we have no government whatever. He reads over our public journals, where he beholds such an unbounded lisence of animadversion, that, he contemplates an immediate rising of the people in rebellion against the government. It is perfectly inexplicable to him that so much opposition should be conducted on paper, without recourse to arms. On his return so his native country, he publishes to the world is rude conceptions, prognostications, insurrectivas, divisions, bloodshed and all the hor-world their utter ignorance of the American charors of civil war; still these evil prophets find that ment goes on quietly, and that these insurr nd rebellions, are only to be found in our They cannot conceive that a law bebe resisted, and obeyed, in a constitutioy at one and the same instant of time. We Americans may proudly tell to these foreign-fice are remaining." All this is true; but what is ers, that both of these parties, and apparently irreconceiveable rights, are expressly guaranteed by the constitution of our country. While we obey we have a right to scrutinize the justice, policy, or prosperity of a public law; to expose its defects, to discant on public characters, to arraign their motives, and in short, in all such dis-of commerce expanding to every breaze-he hears cussions to recognize no other boundaries than those of truth and honor. The partizans of our administration are thus compelled to enter the list with their opponents, where they fight on equal ground, and precisely with the same weapons with which they are assaulted. As the elec. tionering struggle approaches, their asperities in crease, and afterwards die away. Now to an American who has been from his infancy in the full njoyment of rights so inestimable, they appear as things of course, and he is almost insensible of the benefits in his possession. He has never breathed the air of slavery, he has never been taught any other lesson than that he is a freeman, that within the constitutional limits, the President himself, is not more secure than he is; that this charter, while it ensures obedience on the one hand, leaves an expression of opinion equally free on the other. Both of these contending parties are finally brought to the bar of public opinion, and the electionering verdict, decides the merits of this controversy between the contending parties. This is a sentence of the highest tribunal recogsized by the laws, and the constitution of our country; and it is a sentence from which there is VOL. I. F.

the clang of industry resounding from the anvilhe beholds the turbulent bustle of business-our streets swarming with enterprize; he hears the incessant roar of our carriages and drays upon the pavements. Our stores crouded with merchandize-he beholds an adventurous population disturbing the haunts of the savage in his gloomy wilderness, and founding temples dedicated to the service of the Deity upon their cabins-he beholds our alpine strides to national grandure; and after all these heart cheering evidences of prosperity, denies that our country has any government, because our chief magistrate, has neither a palace, a crown, or a sceptre. We can tell such foreigners, that it is this which constitutes the peculiar glory of Americans. We can tell them that there are thousands and thousands, of private characters in the United States, every way qualified to perform the duties of the President, who would not surrender their domestic quiet and independence, for twice the salary of our chief magistrate. The first magistrate in this country, is in no way, but that of a public servant, different from a private citizen; he rises into public honor, and then relapses into the general mass of the community,, and

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does the duty of a private citizen again. This is | what we Americans, understand by the term equal rights. This is what we have been taught to believe is a government on the one hand, and perfectly reconcilable to freedom of opinion on the

other.

MR. PINKNEY.

The following portrate of the oratorical character of the Hon. William Pinkney, late attorney general for the United States, we extract from "sketches of American orators," No. 1. a small pamphilet written by a gentleman in this city, and lately published in Baltimore, by Fielding Lucas, Jr. who informs us the author will continue a series of num

bers, to 6 or 8, on miscellaneous subjects, if the public decide in their favor. The 2d number is in press. From the limited opportunity we have had to judge, we believe he has drawn Mr. Pinkney to life.

pressive. It wants variety, ease, and moderation. His voice is soft and strong, but not musical in its tones or cadence: its changes are occasionally abrupt, which produces the effect of harshness. Du

His ambition is intense and ever-burning. ring his diplomatic mission abroad, he was far from relaxing the severity of his forensic exercises. Like Achilles, tho' withdrawn from the field, his arm was not unnerved in indolent repose. He obtained in his recess a Vulcanian armour, and renewed the battle with a freshness of strength, a vigor of exertion, more propitious to victory than unremitted contention might have proved. He saw in England the first models of parliamentary and of forensic oratory, which the last fruitful age produced: he was long enough there, not only to discipline his manner, but to enrich his diction, by intermixing the more varied and splendid phrase of its literary circles. It was with all these advanwe look on the first exertion of talents which have tages, increased by the expectation with which already adorned their profession, that Mr. Pinkney resumed his place in 1812. He has surpassed every conjecture that had been formed of his improvement. He has great address in the management of his cause in all the stages of its preparation for argument: he is studious to engage his adversary exactly on that ground, which he thinks most advantageous to his client; he opens the case to the court in a luminous and rapid narrative, shews the important points of it in the strongest light; and fortifies his positions with reason, rather than with authority. He delights to recur to those great fundamental principles of human intercourse, which have so often tasked the powers of the deepest research, the most varied learning, and the most splendid imagination. Hence some of the most glittering shafts of his quiver, are drawn from the rich and magnificent armoury of Hooker and Chillingworth, weapons of celestial temper! Then his energy is wielded so directly against his

MR. PINKNEY, of Baltimore, has occupied a large space in the public eye, as an advocate, since his return from Europe. In admitting popular fame as an evidence of merit in a public speaker, there are sometimes extraneous circumstances which should be taken into consideration. Of these several have combined to make Mr. Pinkney's name more familiar to the Amerian people, than his mere forensic abilities, great as they certainly are, would have done. His residence in England during several years of important intercourse with its government, in a high station of national confidence; his appointment to the office of attorney general on his return, and his continuance as a successful practitioner at the federal court since his resignation, have all offered advan-antagonist, that he imparts the animation of contest to every thing he says. This is a main ingre. tages for the extension of his professional popularity, subordinate only to the claims derived from dient of the interest with which we listen to Mr. his consummate abilities. Many persons, without Pinkney. It is not a tranquil discussion, but an considering how much of Mr. Pinkney's fame is intellectual battle. His client and his claims are fairly to be ascribed to these adventitious circum-frequently forgotten, in the interest with which stances, have allowed him to occupy the first station at the American bar. Divesting him of these borrowed attractions, of which he stands in no need, let us examine the justice of his pretensions to this captivating superiority.

we behold his patron extricate himself from a breach made in his fortifications, or the rage with which he pursues the flying adversary of a deHe then pours with incontroulfenceless cause. able fury the ardentia verba in precipitate torrents: which united to his vehement, I had almost His person is muscular and vigorous. His face broad, large, and red, with an expression of strong, said angry manner, make his eloquence characgood sense, rather than of vivacity or genius. terised by the most irresistable impetuosity; it is a conflagration ravaging the earth. There is a dazHis whole appearance is that of one who has been accustomed to bodily labour, more than to intel-ling brightness in all his conceptions, and almost lectual exertion. He is a young looking man for painful glare, which requires relief in softer shadhis age, and even its marks seem the traces of la-ing, milder imagery, and less burning words. bour, more than of time.

His manner of speaking, I have been told, is very much that of Westminster hall. It is certainly new among us, and appears to be affected. His body is sometimes thrown forcibly forward, and then drawn violently back: his fists often clenched, and his arms, which are never much raised, bent before him in the attitude of a boxer. Sometimes he ap-. pears to bear the argument on his shoulder, and, like Sisyphus, to heave it with labour up a high hill; the simile however goes no further, it seldom recoils upon him. His whole action is too constrained to be graceful, but it is often very im

This splendor of diction, and magnificence of metaphor, which is diluted in Burk's eloquence by so many gentler touches, is never over-powering, because we are prepared for the blaze of his me ridian brightness, by the gradual succession of Aurora to Lucifer, and of the sun to Aurora; but the impatient ardour of Mr. Pinkney's genius is nevers atisfied, until, like " the prince of the lights of heaven," it burns in its noon-tide path, and quenches the ray of every other star. A little more moderation in his manner, and a more marked gradation in the progress of his aspiring mind, would give richness and variety to all his exhibi

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